172: Chapter 172 The Crossroads of Brussels

January 22nd, Brussels, 13th Floor of the Charlemagne Building, European Union Headquarters.

This meeting room has no windows; the walls are made of sound-absorbing material, and the door is heavy oak. Only 13 chairs are placed around the oval conference table—deliberately avoiding the position for the French flag. The only decoration on the wall is an oil painting: the scene of 177 Franklin signing the alliance treaty with France in Paris. Hanging here, this painting is both a tribute to history and a subtle reminder: without the help of France, America could not have achieved independence.

James Albright, the America Ambassador to the European Union, sat in the head seat. This 58-year-old former Marine Colonel maintained a military posture, his back straight and hands flat on the table. A thin document was spread out before him, but everyone knew its weight was enough to crush the entire European semiconductor industry.

"Gentlemen," Albright began, his English clear and cold, "on behalf of the government of the United States of America, I formally express serious concern regarding the 'Euro-Spark Semiconductor' cooperation plan between the European Union and Spark Technology."

Sitting around the conference table were twelve people: the Ambassadors to the European Union or economic affairs representatives from Germany, Italy, Spain, Netherlands, Belgium, Poland, Czech Republic, Hungary, Romania, Bulgaria, Slovakia, and Slovenia. The United Kingdom had already initiated the Brexit process and was not present; France, as the primary promoter of the cooperation, was deliberately excluded.

Albright pulled up a projection: "According to information we have obtained from reliable sources, 'Euro-Spark Semiconductor' plans to build a 14nm FD-SOI production line in Dresden and a 7nm R&D center in Grenoble. This will directly impact the global market share of America semiconductor companies, and more importantly—"

He paused, adding emphasis: "This will allow China to acquire Europe's most advanced semiconductor manufacturing technology, seriously threatening the military technological advantage of America and NATO."

The German representative, State Secretary of the Ministry of Economic Affairs Hans, pushed his glasses up: "Mr. Ambassador, this is a commercial collaboration with strict technology transfer controls and end-use reviews. Moreover, FD-SOI technology is primarily used in the civilian sector..."

"Mr. Hans," Albright interrupted, his voice carrying unquestionable authority, "you know better than I do that there is no absolute boundary between 'civilian' and 'military' for chips. A low-power automotive chip can be used for drones with minor modifications; an image processing chip can be used for satellite reconnaissance. The Chinese are using the guise of 'civilian cooperation' to acquire technology they cannot obtain through normal channels."

He pulled up another document: "According to the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (IEEPA) and the Export Control Reform Act (ECRA), if European Union companies transfer equipment or technology restricted by America technology to Spark, the America government has the right to impose sanctions on these companies."

A list of sanctions appeared on the screen:

Prohibition on using semiconductor manufacturing equipment made in America (including all America components within ASML).

Prohibition on using America design software (Cadence, Synopsys, Mentor).

Prohibition on exporting any products containing America technology to these companies.

Freezing the assets of these companies in America.

Prohibiting the executives and key technical personnel of these companies from entering America.

"This does not even include," Albright added, "that we will re-evaluate the applicability of NATO Article 5 to the relevant countries."

This final sentence caused the atmosphere in the meeting room to drop to the freezing point.

NATO Article 5: "An attack against one member is considered an attack against all members." This is the cornerstone of European security and America's security commitment to Europe.

The Polish representative turned pale: "Mr. Ambassador, are you saying... that if we participate in this cooperation, America might no longer protect us?"

"What I said was 're-evaluate'." Albright wrapped the naked threat in diplomatic rhetoric. "Security is mutual. If certain countries go against America in key technological fields, then America naturally needs to reconsider the depth and breadth of its security commitments."

He looked toward the representatives of the Eastern Europe countries: "Especially considering that certain countries are still waiting for the delivery of F-35 fighter jets..."

The representatives of Poland, Czech Republic, and Hungary exchanged glances. The total value of the F-35s ordered by their three countries exceeded 12 billion dollars, with delivery scheduled within the next three years. If America used this as blackmail...

"This meeting is adjourned." Albright stood up. "Please convey my message to your respective governments. America expects the European Union to make the 'correct' choice."

He placed special emphasis on the word "correct."

The Ambassadors left the meeting room in silence. Hans was the last to leave and was called back by Albright at the door.

"Mr. Hans, a word in private." Albright lowered his voice. "Germany is the engine of the European economy and one of America's most important allies. I do not wish to see Germany pick the wrong side on this matter."

Hans looked at the America Ambassador and suddenly asked a question: "Mr. Ambassador, if Europe is forever dependent on America technology, then how can we speak of Europe's 'strategic autonomy'?"

Albright smiled, a smile devoid of warmth: "Strategic autonomy? Mr. Hans, do you think that while Russian tanks are still massing at the Ukrainian border, Europe is in any position to talk about 'strategic autonomy'?"

These words were like a knife, piercing through all the flowery rhetoric.

Hans did not answer and turned to leave.

In the hallway, the representatives of various European nations spoke in low voices, the atmosphere somber. They knew that everything that happened in that meeting room today would determine the fate of Europe for the next decade.

January 23rd, Paris, the secret meeting room on the first basement level of the Élysée Palace.

This place had once been President de Gaulle's command center during the Algerian War; the communication equipment and maps from that era were still preserved on the walls. Today, it had become the venue for the French President's most confidential meetings.

Five people sat around the long table: the French President himself, and the Ambassadors to France from Germany, Italy, Spain, and the Netherlands. There were no recorders, no assistants, not even any attendants—the President had poured the coffee himself.

"Gentlemen," the 65-year-old French President began, his French carrying an elegant Parisian accent, "I would like to start by showing you a video recording."

He pressed the remote. A screen on the wall lit up, showing a young François Mitterrand giving a speech in Parliament in 1979:

"Europe cannot forever be a vassal to others. Without economic independence, there is no political independence; without technological independence, there is no true security."

The recording ended, and the President turned off the screen.

"Forty years have passed, and Mitterrand's words remain true." He looked around at the four Ambassadors. "Today, America uses chips to lock down our technology; tomorrow, they will use energy, data, and finance to lock down our lifeblood. Europe must understand: without technological sovereignty, there is no national sovereignty."

The German Ambassador, a silver-haired elder, spoke cautiously: "Mr. President, we understand France's position. But the reality is that Germany's automotive industry needs America software, 80% of our cloud services depend on Amazon and Microsoft, and our defense..."

"It is precisely because your defense depends on America that you are sitting here today," the French President interrupted. "If Germany had its own 'European Cloud' and its own 'European chip', would you still need to watch Washington's face?"

He pulled up a set of data: "According to estimates by the European Commission, if the 'Euro-Spark Semiconductor' cooperation is successful, it will create at least 300,000 high-skilled jobs for Europe over the next decade and drive over 200 billion Euros in industry chain investment. More importantly, it will allow Europe to gain autonomous capabilities in key areas such as automotive electronics, industrial automation, and artificial intelligence."

The Italian Ambassador hesitated: "But America's security protection is a reality. The Russian threat..."

"The Russian threat is a reality, which is why Europe needs to be stronger, not more dependent." The French President stood up and walked to the map of Europe on the wall. "General de Gaulle withdrew from NATO's integrated military structure back then not because France didn't need allies, but because he understood: without defense autonomy, there is no political autonomy."

He turned around, his gaze like fire: "Today, we face the same choice. Either continue to depend on America and remain a second-rate power forever, or take a risk and bet that Europe has the ability to protect itself."

The meeting room fell silent.

The Dutch Ambassador, a young technocrat, finally spoke: "Mr. President, your vision is admirable. But specifically, how do we do it? America has already threatened sanctions and a re-evaluation of NATO Article 5. What do we have to fight back with?"

The French President walked back to his seat and took a document from a folder:

Draft of the "Joint Action Plan for European Strategic Autonomy"

"First, militarily: France commits to launching joint exercises for the 'European Rapid Reaction Force'. This force will be jointly formed by France, Germany, Italy, Spain, and the Netherlands, with an initial size of 10,000 troops, capable of completing deployment within 72 hours."

"Second, economically: The five nations will establish a 10 billion Euro 'Strategic Industry Mutual Fund'. Any company sanctioned by America due to participation in the 'Euro-Spark Semiconductor' cooperation can receive compensation from the fund."

"Third," he paused, "France is willing to initiate an 'Extended Nuclear Umbrella Dialogue' with the participating nations."

This final sentence shocked all the Ambassadors.

France's nuclear arsenal is Europe's only independent nuclear deterrent. For a long time, France had been extremely secretive about this and had never formally committed to providing a nuclear umbrella for other countries.

The German Ambassador's voice trembled: "Mr. President, you mean..."

"I mean that if certain countries face security threats because they pursue technological autonomy, France will not sit idly by," the President said calmly. "This is not a replacement for NATO, but a supplement. Europe must understand: security cannot have only one source."

He looked at the four Ambassadors: "Gentlemen, this is not anti-American. This is Europe's rite of passage. A sixty-year-old economy cannot forever hide behind a fifty-year-old military alliance."

"We need a week to communicate with our respective governments," the Italian Ambassador said.

"I'll give you three days." The French President looked at his watch. "On January 26th, I want to see the foreign ministers of the five countries sign a joint statement in Brussels. I will not wait past that."

The meeting ended.