172: Chapter 172 Killing the Chicken to Warn the Monkey: A Decree to Pacify the South

Although Min Na's private soldiers were fierce, their equipment was outdated, they lacked training, and they understood nothing of modern special operations. Startled awake from their dreams, they hurriedly grabbed their weapons but couldn't find the enemy at all—the Shadow Blade members moved through the mist and buildings like ghosts, every shot hitting its mark and every hit resulting in death.

Even more terrifying was their coordination. Snipers at high vantage points picked off officers and heavy weapon operators, assault teams cleared houses one by one, the communications team jammed all radio signals, and the medical team stood by in the rear to treat the wounded (their own).

This was a dimensional reduction strike by a professional military against bandit forces.

At six in the morning, the sky was dimly lit and the mist began to dissipate.

The battle was essentially over. Over two hundred corpses lay scattered across the village, and more than three hundred people knelt in the clearing to surrender. Min Na's 'army of five thousand' actually numbered only one thousand two hundred, half of whom were not in the village last night (out collecting drug money or looting); of the six hundred-plus remaining in the village, over half were dead or wounded.

The Shadow Blade's losses were: five lightly wounded, zero fatalities.

"Reporting results: 243 killed, 367 captured, over 500 light weapons seized, approximately three tons of drug raw materials and finished products, and cash in foreign currencies totaling about eight million USD," Night Owl reported to the rear. "Min Na has been neutralized. Requesting instructions."

In the Yangon headquarters, Zhang Cheng received the report and replied with only two words: "Public trial."

He wanted to make an example of Min Na to show all southern warlords and local powers—those who submit will prosper, and those who resist will perish.

At nine in the morning, the news spread.

Min Na of Mon State had his nest wiped out overnight; he was captured alive, and his army was annihilated. This news was like a bomb exploding across the southern provinces.

Those local powers who were originally waiting on the sidelines, hesitating, or even secretly preparing to resist, instantly sobered up.

Zhang Cheng was not Min Aung Hlaing; he wasn't just a politician who shouted slogans and engaged in corruption. He truly dared to fight, was truly capable of fighting, and showed no mercy when he did.

Starting from ten in the morning, the phones and telegrams at Zhang Cheng's headquarters never stopped.

"The Governor of Ayeyarwady Region has declared loyalty to the new regime and is willing to attend the National Reconciliation Conference."

"The Garrison Commander of Bago Region has surrendered command and requests reorganization."

"The leader of the Karen State ethnic armed forces has sent a secret letter expressing willingness to negotiate terms for autonomy."

"Even the Great Tusi of Shan State, who had always remained neutral, sent an envoy with gifts to congratulate General Zhang Cheng on his 'great cause of unification.'"

The wind had shifted.

Li Lanzhi looked at the provinces on the map turning from gray to green one by one and remarked, "Killing one chicken to scare a crowd of monkeys. It's an old trick, but it really works."

"Because the monkeys have realized a truth," Zhang Cheng said. "I am not asking them to submit; I am giving them the opportunity to submit. For those who don't seize this chance, Min Na is their fate."

At two in the afternoon, the last holdout—a Muslim armed leader in Rakhine State—also sent a telegram stating he was "willing to accept central leadership under the premise of guaranteed religious freedom."

At this point, all fourteen provinces and seven states of Myanmar had nominally submitted.

Of course, this was only nominal. Real integration, reorganization, and governance would still require a long time and a massive amount of work. But at least, on the surface, it was unified.

"We can release the announcement now," Zhang Cheng said to Zhao Yuxun. "Announce that Myanmar has ended its state of division and completed unification. At the same time, publish the specific time and agenda for the National Reconciliation Conference—set the time for three days from now, at the Parliament Building in Naypyidaw."

"So soon?"

"To give the USA less time to react," Zhang Cheng sneered. "Don't they want to throw us into chaos? I insist on settling the overall situation before they are ready."

This was strategic rhythm—always being one step ahead of the opponent.

Washington, White House.

Jin Mao Pu had just finished lunch when he saw Zhang Cheng's unification announcement. He was so angry he smashed his plate on the floor, splashing pasta and meat sauce all over the wall.

"A meeting in three days?! Who the hell does Zhang Cheng think he is? The Secretary-General of the United Nations?!" the President roared at his staff. "And that Min Na—didn't the CIA guarantee he could hold Zhang Cheng off for at least a month? How did he get finished off overnight?!"

Haspell lowered her head. "Mr. President, Zhang Cheng deployed his most elite special forces and used individual stealth equipment we've never seen before. According to survivor accounts, those soldiers 'appeared suddenly like ghosts and vanished instantly after firing'..."

"I don't want to hear excuses!" Jin Mao Pu interrupted. "I just want to know what we do now. If Zhang Cheng really gathers all those warlords, governors, and ethnic leaders in Naypyidaw to sign some 'reconciliation agreement,' he truly becomes the legitimate ruler of Myanmar! By then, if we try to overthrow him, it will be interfering in another country's internal affairs!"

This was the most critical point. International politics relied on legitimacy. If Zhang Cheng gained recognition from all parties through the 'National Reconciliation Conference,' he would be the 'legitimate government' of Myanmar. If the USA acted then, it would be an invasion.

"We still have time," Pompeo said. "Three days is enough for us to do many things. For example... let certain delegates suffer 'accidental deaths,' or stage a terrorist attack targeting the conference site. As long as the meeting cannot be held, Zhang Cheng's unification will lack legitimacy."

"What's the specific plan?"

"The CIA still has several sleeper cells in Myanmar that can be activated," Haspell said. "Additionally, there are some of Min Na's former subordinates on the Thailand side; they hate Zhang Cheng to the bone and can be used as tools."

Jin Mao Pu calmed down, stroking his chin in thought. This was a vicious move, but effective. As long as there was an explosion at the conference site and a few important figures died, Zhang Cheng would be blamed for 'poor security' and 'triggering a civil war.' At that time, the southern provinces would certainly rebel again, and the situation would be in chaos once more.

"Do it," he finally nodded. "But make it clean; no evidence must be left behind. It’s best to make it look like an 'ethnic conflict' or a 'terrorist attack.'"

"Understood."

The order was given, and the undercurrents began to surge.

Meanwhile, Zhang Cheng's side also received an early warning from the Shadow Blade.

"Sovereign, we've monitored abnormal communications," Old K reported. "Multiple unfamiliar encrypted signals have recently appeared in Naypyidaw. The source is unknown, but the transmission patterns match the CIA's usual methods. Additionally, Min Na's remnants are gathering at the Thai border, about three hundred people, well-equipped, unlike ordinary bandits."

"They want to ruin my conference?" Zhang Cheng narrowed his eyes. "Then let them come. Pass down the order: raise the conference security level to the highest. Recall the entire Shadow Blade battalion to Naypyidaw to handle core area security. Activate the 'Sky Canopy' system for full-spectrum monitoring; all communication signals entering Naypyidaw must be filtered."

"Furthermore..." He paused. "Send a message to Zhao Gang requesting some intelligence support from Dragon Country—specifically regarding the CIA's activity network in Southeast Asia."

"Will Dragon Country help us?"

"They will," Zhang Cheng said with certainty. "Because if my conference succeeds, Myanmar will be truly unified, and a stable, pro-Dragon Myanmar serves their interests. But if the conference is ruined and Myanmar falls back into chaos, the USA might take advantage of the void to turn this place into an anti-Dragon frontline. The people of Dragon Country aren't stupid; they know which side to choose."

Sure enough, an hour later, Zhao Gang replied.