361: Chapter 361 Pressing the Cambodian Chip
When Houssa reported, his tone was steady but couldn't hide a hint of pride. Since the declaration of jurisdiction, hundreds of merchant ships had completed their registration in the Bab el-Mandeb Strait. The flag of the Republic of Yemen was raised over Socotra Island, and the Saudi Arabia garrison, which had previously abandoned the island, had been ordered to reclaim their discarded equipment. He reported to Zhang Cheng that the second batch of four "Coastal Defense-1" systems had completed deployment, all equipped with "YJ-18" missiles and Gallium Nitride guidance components. His final sentence was: "My men are standing guard there, working in shifts day and night. During high tide, the waves hit the reefs and can cover half the position. But they don't even blink."
Hearing this, Zhang Cheng finally turned around. He set his pencil down on the desk; it rolled twice on the smooth surface and stopped at the location of Cambodia on the map.
"From the ruins of Gaza, to the reefs of the Red Sea, and then to the other side of the Mekong River," Zhang Cheng spoke, his voice calm and clear, "our sphere of influence has shifted from single-point breakthroughs to a broad spread. This is not the end; it is the beginning. Next step—Cambodia."
He pressed the pencil onto the map, the tip pointing directly at Sihanoukville Port, 120 kilometers southwest of Phnom Penh—Cambodia's only deep-water port and Dragon Country's most important investment node for the "Belt and Road" project in that country.
"Our goal is not occupation, nor subversion. Cambodia's regime will be left to them. We want two things: long-term operational rights for Sihanoukville Port, and—Cambodia's agreement to 'coordinate' with us on regional security matters involving the interests of the Federation of Myanmar." He paused. "Let them propose the word 'coordinate' themselves. What we need to do is make them feel that not coordinating with us is their loss." Zhao Yuxun lowered his eyes in thought for a moment and then understood.
Li Lanzhi opened an economic data sheet and added: "Cambodia's GDP growth last year mainly relied on Dragon Country investment, with the construction industry and port logistics accounting for the bulk. I have had preliminary communications with the China Development Bank—if we provide capital injection and security capabilities, they can make corresponding adjustments to the Cambodian loan conditions." Zhang Cheng nodded. "Use economic leverage to pry open the first crack, and then use security guarantees to reassure Dragon Country—if Sihanoukville Port is managed by our capital and accepts routine visits from the Federal Navy, then the affairs of Cambodia can be secured without needing an aircraft carrier."
He reached out and picked up the pencil, drawing along the solid and dashed lines on the map from Sihanoukville Port westward to the Kra Isthmus in Thailand. "Next is the Kra Canal project. If this canal opens, ships will no longer need to bypass Malacca. We have brought the era of Malacca to an early close. Dragon Country needs a canal operator they can fully trust—and this trust was earned through our three-year zero-accident operational record at Kyaukpyu Port, the Bab el-Mandeb Strait, and Gaza Port. Ports in three war zones haven't been bombed by a terrorist attack once, and not a single ship has been hijacked by armed groups." Old K replied with only two words: "Yes."
Zhang Cheng put the pencil down. It rolled back to the location of Cambodia on the map and stopped there automatically, as if pulled by some gravitational force.
At this moment, Sinwar suddenly spoke over the encrypted video. He had been writing something and only looked up after finishing. "Zhang Cheng. Some of the soldiers on my side come from a background of building tunnels—the Gaza underground network was dug out by them meter by meter. If you're going to develop ports in Cambodia, they can handle erosion-resistant foundations and anti-seepage underground facilities. I'll send you the list. They aren't Death Soldiers—they're locals. They asked me what else they could help with."
Zhang Cheng was silent for a few seconds. "Let them do it. It won't be for free. Wages will be according to international standards, with a three-year contract. You'll be responsible for signing them."
Sinwar nodded, as if tucking this promise into the old notebook he never let leave his side.
Houssa added: "When I was building the lighthouse on Socotra Island, the engineering team found that the stones on the island are wave-resistant. If you're going to build the Kra Canal—if you need stones for breakwaters, I have plenty here." He used his thumb and index finger to frame a square. "Calculated at cost price, with shipping at your own expense."
Zhang Cheng couldn't help but chuckle again. Then he looked at Li Lanzhi. "Arrange it. Next week, the Deputy Prime Minister of Cambodia will come to Naypyidaw. We'll discuss three things: infrastructure cooperation—focusing on the expansion of Sihanoukville Port; regional security coordination—with the Federal Defense Forces providing port security training; and the third thing—let him watch a highlight reel of the latest 'Operation Fengdi' results in our strategic map room. No commentary, just let him watch. Let him see the shipwrecks in the Red Sea, see the first autonomy flag raised in Gaza, and see an aircraft carrier being cracked open like a tin can. After watching, let him think for himself—whether he wants to be the next person sitting in Geneva signing an agreement, or sitting by this table drinking tea."
Li Lanzhi noted this down on her tablet and then looked up at him. "What about Mozambique? You mentioned it last time."
"The natural gas fields in the Mozambique Channel—that's the next puzzle piece for Dragon Country. Let the Cambodia piece fall first, then press our thumb onto Africa. Don't mess up the order. The pieces must be moved steadily." Zhang Cheng pointed at the map on the table with his pencil, lightly tapping the location of Cambodia.
The meeting adjourned. The video windows of Sinwar and Houssa went dark one after another, and Zhao Yuxun, Wang Yuanshan, BigDecimal own, and Erica each packed their electronic devices and left. Old K stayed until the end, closing the door from the outside. Only Zhang Cheng and Li Lanzhi remained in the conference room.
Li Lanzhi walked to the window and stood side by side with him. In the square outside the Presidential Palace, the Federal flag fluttered in the afternoon sun, the flagpole casting a long shadow that stretched diagonally across the newly paved asphalt road.
"Where to next?" she asked.
Zhang Cheng didn't speak. He picked up the pencil and tapped it twice on the windowsill. Then he tucked the pencil into his pocket and pointed at the map on the wall—to the spot where the pencil had rolled before, Cambodia.
Bangkok, a side hall of the Grand Palace.
Rama leaned back on his carved teak throne, his fingers rhythmically tapping the armrest. Standing below him was Foreign Minister Phibun Songkhram—of course, this Phibun was a Death Soldier who had been swapped in after three "positional adjustments." He held a diplomatic note with a gold-embossed cover. The wording of the note had been drafted directly by the Secretariat of the Presidential Palace in Naypyidaw, polished by Old K's National Security Bureau, and finally sent to Bangkok.
"Read it," Rama uttered a single word.
Phibun opened the note, his voice as steady as if he were announcing a weather forecast: "The Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Kingdom of Thailand, by order of His Majesty the King, makes the following solemn representations to the Government of the Kingdom of Cambodia: First, the 4.6 square kilometers of disputed territory around Preah Vihear Temple is confirmed to belong to the sovereignty of the Kingdom of Thailand based on the latest boundary survey results and historical archives of the Thai side; second, the Cambodian side's military deployment in this area since 2008 constitutes an illegal occupation and must be completely withdrawn within seventy-two hours after the delivery of this note; third, the Thai side attaches a copy of the latest version of the boundary map with this note, which has been approved by the Privy Council of the Kingdom of Thailand and has full legal effect."
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