122: Chapter 119 Dual Lines

April 16, 1981, morning, Tehran.

The newspapers in Tehran did not report the incident in Ramadi—it was a covert operation that took place deep inside Iraq last night. The news was suppressed by Reza and not released to the public.

But another matter was brewing in Tehran.

The Islamic Republic News published an article on the front page titled "Who Controls Our Army?" The article did not name names, but the logic of the writing was very clear—a descendant of the old dynasty who had not been baptized by the revolution, having gained unchecked military command through a few victories, was a danger to the Islamic Revolution.

Reza saw through who was behind this article at a glance.

"Bani-Sadr is testing the waters," he said to Karimi, "to see the reaction to this article. If the public follows suit, he will take further action."

"How is the public reacting?"

"University students in Tehran are opposing this article," Karimi said, "They have put up many big-character posters refuting it, saying that Reza fighting in Fao and Basra makes him a hero of Iran and he should not be treated this way. But the conservative religious figures basically support the stance of this article."

"So public opinion is divided."

"Yes."

Reza thought for a while and said: "I will not issue any response. Silence is my response."

"Why?"

"Because any defense will make it look like I care about this matter. And the more I care, the more confident he becomes. Let him think his public opinion offensive is effective and let him continue to play his cards. Once he has played all his cards, I will respond."

That same morning, Tehran, Montazeri's residence.

Karimi's envoy delivered the report to Montazeri.

The report was thick, containing detailed records of the three contacts, the transcript of the recording, and background information on the Mujahedin organization.

Montazeri read for an hour.

After finishing, he took off his glasses and pinched the bridge of his nose.

"Did Reza send this report?"

"Yes, grand ayatollah."

"What did he say?"

"His Highness said, please use this information as a reference. As for how to handle it, it is up to you."

Montazeri closed the report and placed it on the table.

"This child, Reza," he said, with a complex tone, "fights more fiercely than anyone else, and handles politics more delicately than anyone else."

The envoy did not respond.

"Tell him I have received it."

April 19, northern suburbs of Basra.

The Iraqi offensive came, a few days earlier than Reza had expected.

But it was not the main force; it was a probe. Three armored battalions, about 120 tanks and infantry fighting vehicles, pushed south from a position sixty kilometers north of Basra to test the strength of the Iranian defense line.

Rajai made the decision directly at the front line without waiting for Reza's order.

"Let them in, let them get within thirty kilometers, then strike."

The Iraqi vanguard armored force advanced twenty kilometers and entered the anti-tank positions pre-set by Rajai. There were fifty MILAN missiles behind the sand dunes on both sides, and a large number of RPG gunners in the trenches in front.

The first wave of attacks destroyed thirty-seven tanks and infantry fighting vehicles in four minutes.

The remaining Iraqi armored forces turned north to retreat, but the retreat route had already been blocked by Anti-tank mines laid by the engineers overnight.

The retreat turned into a trap for cornered beasts.

In this probing attack, of the 120 vehicles, fewer than twenty managed to retreat.

Rajai reported the battle results to Reza and added: "They have finished probing; the main force will come soon."

"Understood," Reza said, "Well done. When the main force arrives, fight according to the original plan. Do not pursue; keep the battlefield near the urban area."

April 21, Ahvaz.

Reza received news of three things happening simultaneously.

First: The main Iraqi force began moving south, three divisions, about 500 tanks, were advancing toward Basra.

Second: Hassan's surveillance team discovered new Scud Missile launchers in central Iraq, four of them, moving in an unknown direction.

Third: Montazeri went to see Ayatollah Khomeini.

The third matter was reported by Karimi's informant. There were no details, only that Montazeri had gone, talked for about two hours, and came out with a grave expression.

Reza handled the second matter first.

"The Scud Missile launchers are moving, which means they are about to launch. Once they move to the designated position, they will launch. Notify all of Hassan's teams to track them with full effort. As soon as the launchers are locked, report immediately; do not wait for confirmation."

"What about the air force?"

"Have two F-4 Phantoms on standby near the border. Once the target coordinates are received, they will strike within thirty minutes."

Then he handled the first matter: He sent a tactical summary to Rajai, the core of which was only one point—lure the enemy into the city; the streets are our weapon.

Finally, for the third matter, he did nothing but wait.

April 22, early morning, Tehran.

Ayatollah Khomeini summoned Bani-Sadr in the middle of the night.

There was no warning, no explanation of the reason, just a phone call telling him to come see him in the early morning.

After Bani-Sadr arrived and saw the expression on Ayatollah Khomeini's face, his heart sank halfway.

"I have heard some things," Ayatollah Khomeini said, "regarding your contact with the Mujahedin."

"Ayatollah, that was just a political contact—"

"You said, 'This person must disappear before the war ends.' Who is this person?"

Bani-Sadr's face went pale.

"That is a rumor. That recording is a forgery, it was framed by Reza's people—"

"Whether it is a forgery or not, I will investigate," Ayatollah Khomeini said, "but I need you to answer one question now: Have you discussed with the Mujahedin the possibility of using force to solve political problems?"

There was a long silence.

"No," Bani-Sadr said.

Ayatollah Khomeini looked at him without speaking for about ten seconds.

"Very well," Ayatollah Khomeini said, "You may go back."

With just that sentence, Bani-Sadr left.

But he knew what those ten seconds of silence meant. Ayatollah Khomeini did not believe him.

April 22, 9:00 AM, Ahvaz.

Reza was looking at the latest map of the Basra front when Karimi rushed in.

"Your Highness, Scud Missile! Target is Tehran! Hassan's team found the launchers—"

"Location!"

"Forty kilometers southwest of Karbala, in the desert, four launchers, they have already been erected!"

"Scramble the air force!"

"The pilots are already in the cockpits—"

"Tell them the launchers are already erected, the missiles could be launched at any moment. Tell them not to worry about low-altitude penetration; just charge at full speed, strike, and run. If one or two are shot down, so be it—once the Scud Missile is launched, Tehran is finished!"

Karimi turned to pass the order.

Reza stared at the map. Forty kilometers southwest of Karbala. From the Iranian border to there, an F-4 Phantom would take about eighteen minutes at full speed.

From the time the launcher is erected to the missile launch, the preparation time is about fifteen to twenty minutes.

Time was extremely tight.

He picked up the microphone and spoke directly to the pilots: "Listen to me—there are four launchers there, possibly equipped with chemical warheads, targeting Tehran. You are not just fighting a war today; you are saving millions of people in Tehran. Do you understand?"

"Understood," the pilot's voice was calm, "Please provide the coordinates."

The coordinates were transmitted.

Reza put down the microphone, his whole body tense as a bowstring.

Eighteen minutes.