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125: Chapter 122 Basra District

4:00 PM, Basra urban area.

The battle in the city had entered its final stage.

The Iraqi 5th Army troops trapped in the city had lost their supplies and external communication; ammunition was running low, and command was in chaos.

Some units attempted to force a breakout, only to run into the roadblocks set up by Rajai and be destroyed one by one in the streets by RPGs.

Other units simply stopped, not knowing what to do.

At 4:30 PM, the first Iraqi units in the city began to surrender.

It wasn't sporadic; it was by unit—a tank battalion, over thirty tanks, with all crew members climbing out and raising their hands.

Then came the second battalion, then the third.

By 6:00 PM, the remaining Iraqi armored forces in the city had basically ceased resistance.

Rajai stood at an intersection, watching the crew members of one T-72 Tank after another climb out of their hatches and walk toward the Iranian soldiers with their hands raised over their heads.

He picked up the microphone: "Your Highness, the urban battle is basically over. The Iraqi vanguard has surrendered on a large scale."

"What about outside the city?"

"Sadiq's 1st Division is engaging the follow-up forces of the Iraqi 5th Army, and the Iraqis have begun to retreat north."

"Should we pursue?"

Reza thought for two seconds: "Pursue for thirty kilometers, then stop. Do not push them into a corner; give them a path to escape. An army in flight is easier to fight than an army fighting to the death."

7:00 PM, Ahvaz.

Karimi read the battle reports to Reza one by one.

Iraqi 5th Army: 160 tanks in the city; 72 were destroyed, 61 were captured, and the remaining 27 were destroyed while attempting to break out.

The follow-up forces of two divisions outside the city began to rout under the pincer attack from Sadiq and Hassan, abandoning tanks and heavy weapons along the way; over one hundred tanks have been confirmed abandoned.

Iranian side: 317 killed in action, 682 wounded.

Reza silently memorized the numbers.

317 people. He knew he could never remember every single person's name, but he would remember this number.

"What about Sadir?"

"No news yet. He might be with the retreating troops, or he might have been captured."

"Find him, dead or alive, and tell me."

He took out the dark blue notebook and wrote two lines:

"April 24th. Iraqi 5th Army annihilated. Basra defended. Next step: the negotiating table."

He closed the notebook and looked up at Karimi.

"Send a radio message to Baghdad, in plain code."

"Content?"

"Just six words: 'We can talk now, call us.'"

Karimi was stunned for a moment, then laughed—this was the first time he had laughed during the entire war.

"Send it."

April 25, 1981, morning, Baghdad.

After the staff officer finished translating those six words from Saddam Hussein, the entire Presidential Palace fell into an eerie silence.

"We can talk now, call us."

Khairallah placed the paper on the table and looked at Saddam Hussein.

Saddam Hussein sat in his chair, his fingers resting on the desktop, staring motionlessly at the six words.

He had already finished reading last night's battle report. The Iraqi 5th Army was basically annihilated; 160 tanks had entered the city, and fewer than thirty had come out. Sadir had been captured by Iranian Special Forces during the retreat and was now being held in a prisoner-of-war camp in Basra.

In two months, the troops he had committed to the southern front had suffered losses exceeding 60,000, with about 40,000 captured, about 12,000 killed, and about 4,000 missing.

The loss of equipment was even more shocking: 190 tanks, 120 armored vehicles, over 200 artillery pieces, and six Scud Missile launchers.

And what was the cost to Iran? Intelligence said it did not exceed 10,000 people.

"Mr. President," Intelligence Chief Barzan said softly, "Reza Pahlavi has sent us an invitation to negotiate."

"I know what that means," Saddam Hussein said, his voice very low, "He wants me to acknowledge that Basra belongs to Iran."

"Not necessarily. The terms on the negotiating table will only be known after we talk."

"What if I don't talk?"

"If you don't talk," Intelligence Chief Barzan paused, "the Iranians might continue to advance north. Baghdad is five hundred kilometers north of Basra. I am not sure if their logistics can support that far, but Reza Pahlavi's logic of action is consistently unexpected. I dare not guarantee that he won't attack."

"He won't attack Baghdad," Saddam Hussein said, "He cannot take it."

"But he could fight halfway there, making us bleed incessantly until we have no more blood to shed."

Saddam Hussein was silent for a long time.

"Contact Jordan and have King Hussein act as the intermediary," he finally said, "Negotiate in Amman, not in Tehran, not in Baghdad. I will not go to the negotiations; send representatives."

"Who should I send?"

Saddam Hussein glanced at Khairallah.

"You go."

April 26, Ahvaz.

Rafsanjani flew to Ahvaz in person.

He and Reza spoke alone in the command headquarters' conference room for two hours.

"Regarding the negotiations, the Ayatollah has agreed," Rafsanjani said, "but the terms must be decided by Tehran; they cannot be decided by you alone."

"I know."

"Bani-Sadr wants to participate in the negotiating delegation."

Reza paused: "Is he going there to negotiate, or is he going there to cause trouble?"

"He is the commander-in-chief; it wouldn't be appropriate not to let him go in name."

"Let him go," Reza said, "but I will set the bottom line for the negotiations. He can drink tea at the table, but he cannot change the bottom line I have set."

Rafsanjani looked at him, the corners of his mouth twitching, but he didn't smile: "You put it so directly; it won't be easy for me to relay that to him."

"You don't need to relay it to him. The negotiation bottom line is a military issue; it is the prerogative of the frontline commander. I will submit the bottom line to the Ayatollah, and once the Ayatollah approves it, even if Bani-Sadr goes to the negotiations, he won't be able to change it."

"What is your bottom line?"

Reza took out a piece of paper and pushed it toward Rafsanjani.

Rafsanjani picked it up to read.

Three points were written on the paper:

First, Iraq must acknowledge the historical waterway of the Shatt al-Arab as the border between the two countries and may no longer claim unilateral control.

Second, Iraq must fully compensate Iran for its losses in the war; the amount is to be negotiated, but it shall not be less than ten billion US dollars.

Third, Basra will not be returned to Iraq; as part of the war reparations, it will be administered by Iran for ten years, after which the local residents will decide its affiliation through a referendum.

Rafsanjani put the paper down and was silent for nearly a minute.

"Saddam Hussein will not agree to the third point."

"Just because he doesn't agree now doesn't mean he won't in the future. Negotiations inherently start from disagreement."

"What if the negotiations break down?"

"If they break down, we continue to fight," Reza said, "I am waiting for the formation of a military vacuum in southern Iraq after the retreat of the Iraqi 5th Army. If Saddam Hussein does not negotiate, my next target is Nasiriyah, and further north is Kut; I will take all of southern Iraq and force him to sign a treaty under the city walls."

"Does the Ayatollah know about this plan?"

"He doesn't need to know, unless the negotiations truly break down."

Rafsanjani folded the paper and put it into his jacket pocket.

"I'm going to see the Ayatollah."

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