31: Chapter 31 Savok

The official establishment of SAVAK in Khuzestan Province was about eight hundred people; adding informants and support staff, the total number did not exceed two thousand. With Reza's guards and the militia, he could theoretically scrape together more than three thousand men.

But "able to mobilize" and "able to fight" were two different things.

Ali had clearly thought of this as well.

"Your Highness, the quantity of armed forces does not equal combat effectiveness."

"I know. So I didn't say I could defeat SAVAK—I only said I could make it impossible for SAVAK to move an inch in Khuzestan Province. That's enough. The revolution doesn't need every province to independently defeat the government forces—it only needs every province to bog them down, making them unable to attend to one thing without losing another."

A hint of seriousness appeared in Ali's eyes.

This prince wasn't bragging. He had truly thought about how to fight.

"Your Highness, I will convey your words to my uncle. But I need to remind you—Ayatollah Khomeini has little patience for those who 'bargain'."

"Then let him learn to have patience." Reza stood up. "A revolution is not the work of one man. If Khomeini wants everyone to obey him unconditionally, then he had better pray he lives to be a hundred—because after he dies, this country will immediately split into a hundred pieces."

Ali also stood up.

"Your Highness means—"

"I mean, tell your uncle—I am willing to support Khomeini as the spiritual leader, but what Iran needs is not a Papal State. Religion manages the spirit, and the secular manages the state. This is my bottom line."

Ali gave him a deep look.

"I will convey it."

He turned to walk to the door, then suddenly looked back.

"Your Highness, one last question—what if Khomeini doesn't agree to your terms?"

Reza didn't answer immediately.

He walked to the window and looked at the street outside the Governors Mansion.

"Then I'll do it myself."

After Ali left, Hassan walked in from the adjoining room.

"Your Highness, what you said just now—was it perhaps too harsh?"

"No. Rafsanjani is a businessman, and businessmen only respect two kinds of people—those richer than them, and those tougher than them. I cannot show weakness before him."

"But if Khomeini really refuses to cooperate—"

"He won't refuse. At least not for now." Reza turned around. "The Khomeini of 1978 still needs allies. He is in France, and his reach doesn't extend to every corner of Iran. He needs local power players like me to 'hold territory' for him. After the revolution succeeds—that's a different matter. But at least until it succeeds, he will cooperate with me."

"And after it succeeds?"

"After it succeeds, it depends on whose fist is harder."

Hassan was silent for a few seconds.

"Your Highness, sometimes I feel—you and Khomeini will have a falling out sooner or later."

"We will. But not now. Right now, we have a common enemy—Pahlavi. Once the enemy falls, we will resolve our internal conflicts."

"If it comes to a fight then—"

"Then we fight." Reza's tone was as flat as if he were discussing what to eat today. "I never expected to coexist peacefully with Khomeini forever. I just need him to help me overthrow Pahlavi. After the overthrow—Iran can only have one voice. Either his, or mine."

Hassan looked at him.

"Are you certain of success?"

"No," Reza was honest. "But I am prepared. Everything I do in the coming year—building arsenals, training militia, winning over local forces—is all preparation for 'that day'."

"Which day?"

"The day I have a showdown with Khomeini."

Three days later, Ali Akbar left Ahvaz.

Another week passed, and an encrypted letter was delivered to the Governors Mansion.

The letter was handwritten by Rafsanjani himself. It was in Persian, with neat handwriting.

The content was very brief:

"Your Highness Reza: I have received your sincerity. Ayatollah Khomeini expresses his appreciation for your work in Khuzestan Province. Regarding the specifics of cooperation, we can discuss further. But one thing must be clear—the leadership of the revolution belongs to Ayatollah Khomeini; this is non-negotiable. If you can accept this, we can continue talking. If not—then we shall go our separate ways."

Reza smiled after reading the letter.

"Go our separate ways"—this was Rafsanjani's test. He wanted to see if Reza truly had confidence or was just talking tough.

Reza picked up his pen to reply.

It was also very brief:

"Mr. Rafsanjani: The leadership of the revolution naturally belongs to Ayatollah Khomeini—on a spiritual level. But on the military and administrative levels, it requires professional execution. I will not challenge Ayatollah Khomeini's status as spiritual leader, but I will also not accept amateurs blindly directing professionals. If a consensus can be reached on this point, we will continue talking. If not—then after the revolution succeeds, we shall see who can pick up the pieces."

After the letter was sent, Hassan asked, "Do you think he will reply?"

"He will. And very quickly."

"Why?"

"Because Rafsanjani is a smart man. Smart men know—revolution is easy, nation-building is hard. Khomeini can incite people to overthrow a king, but what happens after the overthrow? Who will manage the army? Who will manage the economy? Who will manage the secular intellectuals and ethnic minorities? Rafsanjani knows in his heart—a nation cannot be built on religious fervor alone. He needs someone like me."

As expected.

Five days later, Rafsanjani's second letter arrived.

This time, the tone was much softer.

"Your Highness: I understand your concerns. Regarding the issue of power distribution, we can resolve it after the success of the revolution through the form of an 'Islamic Assembly'. At this stage, our primary task is to unite all forces that can be united to overthrow the Pahlavi regime. If you are willing, I can arrange a call for you with Ayatollah Khomeini—secretly, of course."

Reza stared at the word "call" for a long time.

A direct call with Khomeini—this was a risky move.

The content of the call would certainly be recorded. If he said one wrong word, it could become leverage against him in the future.

But not taking the call wouldn't work either. Rafsanjani had already put it this way—if he refused, it would be equivalent to rejecting Khomeini's "offer of amnesty".

"Arrange it," Reza said to Hassan. "But I will determine the time and place of the call."

"When?"

"At the end of March. After the second round of protests in Qom and Tabriz. By then, Khomeini will need me even more."