77: Chapter 74 Fatima's Reply

The day after the meeting ended, Karimi forwarded the complete record of the meeting to Reza.

After reading it, Reza asked a critical question: "What was Ayatollah Khomeini's reaction to Rafsanjani's proposal?"

"He didn't directly oppose it, but he didn't directly agree either," Karimi said. "He asked, 'How long will it take for these capabilities to be formalized?' and Rafsanjani's answer was, 'If there is political support, three months.'"

Three months.

Reza quickly calculated the timeline in his mind—it was now early December, and adding three months meant early March. In other words, by early March, his missile systems needed to be capable of being formally incorporated into the national defense system. This meant they could not just be finished products in a laboratory; they had to be military assets with a complete chain of command that could be directly mobilized by state authorities.

He immediately sent a message to Fatima: "Within three months, the third batch of Persia-1 Type A, two hundred units, must be deployed. At the same time, complete the sample manufacturing and range testing for the Persia-2 Missile. This is the deadline."

Fatima's reply was short: "Understood."

Only one word, but Reza knew she understood this was not a negotiable goal; it was a deadline that had to be met.

In mid-December, the U.S. "Operation Eagle Claw" failed in the desert—a helicopter crash, several U.S. special forces soldiers died, and the rescue mission was unsuccessful.

For Reza, this failure was the best news.

Because it proved one thing: even the world's most powerful military force is not invincible and can hit a wall in this land of the Middle East.

When the news of this failure reached the whole of Iran, large-scale demonstrations broke out on the streets again. This time, the theme of the demonstrations changed from "Anti-American" to "We Won"—a psychological victory. Although from a military perspective, nothing was truly won, it gave Iranian society enough confidence to believe that this newly established regime was capable.

The Persian Dragon Flag: From Royal Outcast to Master of the Middle East

December 28, 1979, Tehran.

The hostage crisis entered its eighth week. U.S. sanctions had taken full effect, Iran's oil export volume had dropped to less than one-third of what it was before the crisis, and Tehran's foreign exchange reserves began to run tight. At this point in time, Reza made a bold decision—through Karimi's secret channels, he contacted the Soviet Union embassy in Iran and proposed a concrete trade plan.

The content of the plan was: Iran was willing to provide the Soviet Union with technical data for a batch of Persia-1 Type missiles (certainly not the most advanced ones) in exchange for the Soviet Union's T-72 Tank production line and corresponding technical support.

The significance of this trade was not in the missile technology itself, but in the fact that it sent a signal to the whole world—Iran was not isolated; even when facing economic blockades from the United States, it could find other powerful allies to lean on.

The Soviet Union's reaction was faster than expected. Reza's intelligence showed that Brezhnev had personally inquired about this matter, and the Kremlin's attitude was clear: this was a good opportunity to push Soviet Union influence back into the Persian Gulf, and they would not let it pass.

On January 15, 1980, a Soviet Union military delegation arrived in Tehran secretly. The leader's status was "Defense Industry Consultant," but Reza knew who this person was—Yuri Volkov, a key figure in the Soviet Union arms trade, who had been struggling and navigating the Middle East arms market for over twenty years and was a true seasoned veteran.

The meeting place was a safe house in northern Tehran. Reza did not bring too many people, only Hassan and Karimi.

Volkov was a short, stout middle-aged man with a thick beard. His voice was low, but every word was clear. His first sentence was:

"Your Highness, we have studied your proposal. The T-72 Tank production line can be given, but there is one condition—Iran must agree to allow Soviet Union military advisors to be stationed in Khuzestan Province to supervise the installation and debugging of the production line."

Reza knew what this condition meant. The entry of Soviet Union advisors was equivalent to inserting a nail into the military heart of Iran. This nail could become a bridge for cooperation, or it could become a tool for future checks and balances—depending on who was wielding this nail.

"It is acceptable," Reza said, "but I have two additional conditions. First, the scope of activities for the Soviet Union advisory group is limited only to the industrial zone I designate; they cannot enter any Iran military bases or government agencies. Second, the number of people in the advisory group shall not exceed twenty, and the list must be approved by me personally."

Volkov smiled: "Your Highness, you are more difficult to deal with than the rumors suggest."

"I just don't want to be betrayed," Reza said. "Comrade Brezhnev should understand this point."

The two stared at each other for a while, then Volkov nodded: "I will report your conditions to Moscow. I think they will accept them."

The results of this secret meeting became reality two months later—in March 1980, the T-72 Tank production lines began to arrive in batches at the designated industrial zone in Khuzestan Province. Iskandari was appointed as the overall person in charge for the Iran side of this project. His task was to complete the localization of the production line within one year, allowing Iran to independently produce this main battle tank, which was the most advanced in the world at that time.

In the same month, Reza began a large-scale reorganization of the military defense system in Khuzestan Province.

This was not a last-minute effort, but an execution according to the timeline already marked in the "future script" in his mind. The specific time for the outbreak of the Iran-Iraq War was September 22, 1980. This date was nailed to his timeline like a spike. Counting from now, there were exactly eight months of preparation time.

Eight months, what can be done?

Reza listed a checklist in his notebook:

First, rebuild the ground defense system in Khuzestan Province. Deploy anti-tank positions and air defense fire in the border areas adjacent to Iraq, with a focus on protecting oil field facilities and refineries.

Second, expand the missile forces. The deployment quantity of the Persia-1 Type B must be expanded from the existing eight to at least thirty, and mobile launch platforms must be established between Ahvaz and Khorramabad to ensure that the enemy cannot destroy all counter-attack capabilities in the first wave of strikes.

Third, train a three-thousand-person rapid reaction force. The responsibility of this force is not defense, but offense—once Iraq dares to cross the border, they will appear on the most critical front line in the shortest possible time to disrupt the enemy's offensive rhythm.

Fourth, establish a joint command mechanism with the Iran Revolutionary Guard. The Revolutionary Guard is an armed force personally controlled by Ayatollah Khomeini, currently very active during the hostage crisis, but their combat capability has not yet been tested by a real war. Reza needed to ensure that when the war broke out, the defensive forces in Khuzestan and the offensive forces of the Revolutionary Guard could seamlessly integrate, rather than fighting their own separate battles.

For every item on this list, Reza assigned specific people to be responsible. Hassan was responsible for the formation and training of the rapid reaction force; Karimi was responsible for liaison and coordination with the Revolutionary Guard; Najjari was responsible for the advancement of the military industrial production lines; Fatima was responsible for the expansion and upgrading of the missile forces.

Everyone had their own tasks, and everyone knew what they should do—this was not the first time Reza had shown this kind of organizational ability, but this time his actions were faster than ever, because this time it was not an exercise, it was a real race against time.