97: Chapter 94 Defense of the Pumping Station

October 26th, Reza held the final meeting before his departure in the control room.

Those in attendance included Hassan, Karimi, Rajai, Rezai, Sadiq, and Najjari.

"The defense of the Pump Station will be under Sadiq's command," Reza said. "Hassan's rapid response force will act as a mobile unit, deployed on both sides of the passage. Rajai and Rezai's men will be responsible for perimeter security. Karimi will remain at the Pump Station to handle intelligence and communications."

"When will you return?" Sadiq asked.

"It is uncertain," Reza said. "But before I leave, I will provide you with a complete defense plan and a clear chain of command. While I am away, everything must be executed according to the plan."

He walked to the map and pointed at the terrain surrounding the Pump Station.

"The Iraq encirclement has expanded to fifteen kilometers, which means their forces are more dispersed. If they launch an attack, they will certainly concentrate their strength to strike a single point. What you must do is use anti-tank fire to take out their vanguard when they concentrate their forces, then use your mobile units to counterattack from the flanks. Do not engage them in a war of attrition; you cannot win that."

"What if they use artillery saturation?" Sadiq asked.

"Their artillery saturation requires precise coordinates," Reza said, "and precise coordinates require forward observers. Therefore, the first thing you must do is take out their forward observers. Artillery fire without observers is no different from shooting blindly."

After the meeting, Reza kept Hassan behind.

"The Pump Station is entrusted to you to watch over," Reza said. "Sadiq is the commander in name, but you are the commander in reality. Do not let anyone know this."

"Understood," Hassan said. "When are you leaving?"

"Tomorrow at dawn."

"Take care on the road."

Reza patted him on the shoulder and said nothing more.

October 27th, 4:00 AM, Reza left the Pump Station.

The convoy traveled north along the passage, passing through marshes and deserts in the darkness. Karimi sat beside him, holding a telegram in his hand.

"It is from Tehran. Rafsanjani says Ayatollah Khomeini wants to see you."

"See me?"

"Yes. He says the Ayatollah wants to hear your report on the combat situation at the Pump Station in person."

Reza was silent for a few seconds. Ayatollah Khomeini wanting to see him was not a simple report. It was a signal—Ayatollah Khomeini was re-evaluating his position in the political landscape of Iran.

"Tell him," Reza said, "that I will return to Tehran as soon as possible."

The convoy continued to travel north. The sky in the east began to turn white.

Reza took out the dark blue notebook and wrote a line on the latest page:

"Pump Station, stable. Saddam Hussein, retreating. Next stop, Basra."

He closed the notebook and looked at the morning light outside the window.

A new day had begun.

October 28, 1980, 2:00 PM, Tehran.

When Reza arrived in Tehran, the atmosphere of the entire city was completely different from a month ago.

A month ago, when the war first began, Tehran was shrouded in an atmosphere of anxiety and panic—people were worried that Iraq tanks would roll into Khuzestan, that the Shatt al-Arab would be controlled by the Iraqis, and that post-revolution Iran would collapse in a war.

But now, those worries had vanished. In their place was a near-fanatical confidence—people were talking on the streets about the victory at the Pump Station, about how that "exiled prince" had planted the flag of Iran on the soil of Iraq.

As Reza's convoy drove from the airport toward the residence of Ayatollah Khomeini, both sides of the street were packed with people. They waved the flag of Iran, shouting slogans of "His Highness Reza" and "Long live Ayatollah Khomeini."

Karimi looked out the window and said, "You are a hero now."

"The title of hero is dangerous," Reza said. "A hero can become an idol, and an idol can become a target."

"Are you worried that someone will use you as a target?"

"I am already a target," Reza said. "The only difference is who is aiming at me."

3:00 PM, Reza arrived at the residence of Ayatollah Khomeini.

This was an inconspicuous two-story building located in an ordinary residential area in northern Tehran. After the revolution succeeded, Ayatollah Khomeini rejected the suggestion to move into the royal palace, choosing to remain in this place where he had lived during the revolution.

Rafsanjani greeted him at the door.

"Your Highness," Rafsanjani whispered, "the Ayatollah is in a good mood today. But you should be careful—Bani-Sadr is also here."

"It makes no difference whether he is here or not," Reza said.

Rafsanjani glanced at him but did not respond.

When Reza walked into the parlor, Ayatollah Khomeini was already sitting there. He wore a black robe and a black turban, his expression serious and calm.

"Your Highness," Ayatollah Khomeini said, "come and sit."

Reza walked in front of him, bowed, and then sat down in the designated spot. There were other people in the parlor—Montazeri, Bani-Sadr, Rafsanjani, and a few people Reza did not recognize.

"I have read the battle report of the Pump Station," Ayatollah Khomeini said. "It was fought well."

"Thank you, Ayatollah," Reza said.

"But I want to hear it from you yourself," Ayatollah Khomeini said. "How did you win?"

Reza was silent for two seconds, then began to narrate. He used no flowery language, simply recounting the entire process from the outbreak of the war to the occupation of the Pump Station—the first Iraq attack, the second attack, missile strikes, minefields, anti-tank groups, the siege, the passage, and reinforcements.

He spoke for about twenty minutes without pausing or repeating; every number was accurate, and every detail was clear.

Ayatollah Khomeini finished listening and was silent for a long time.

Then he said something that surprised everyone present: "Your Highness, how much longer do you think this war will last?"

Reza thought for a moment and said, "If our goal is to hold Khuzestan and the Pump Station, the war can end within three months. If our goal is to change the balance of power between Iran and Iraq, the war will need to be fought for one to two years. If our goal is to overthrow Saddam Hussein, the war will need to be fought for more than three years, and it may not necessarily succeed."

"Which one do you suggest choosing?"

"The second," Reza said. "Spend one to two years exhausting Iraq's military strength to the point where it cannot threaten Iran, then obtain everything we want at the negotiating table—a permanent border at the Shatt al-Arab, Iraq stopping its support for Iranian Arabs, and war reparations."

"And the third? Overthrowing Saddam Hussein?"

"Saddam Hussein can be overthrown, but not by the army of Iran. If we march into Baghdad, the entire Arab world will unite against us. The correct approach is to let the Iraqis overthrow him themselves—we only need to exhaust his strength, make him weak, and then the opposition within Iraq will bury him."

Ayatollah Khomeini was silent for a while longer.

Then he said: "Your Highness, you have spent five years in Khuzestan; it is time to come back."

Reza felt a slight tremor in his heart. Come back—this word had many interpretations. Returning to report, returning to rest, returning to accept a new appointment, or returning to be kept on a tighter leash.

"What does the Ayatollah mean?" Reza asked.

"The Supreme Defense Council needs a new military advisor," Ayatollah Khomeini said. "I would like you to assume this position."

Reza quickly evaluated this arrangement. Military advisor—it sounded higher than governor, but in reality, it had no actual power. An advisor could offer suggestions but could not issue orders. Ayatollah Khomeini was transferring him from Khuzestan back to Tehran, giving him a nominal position, which was equivalent to removing him from his position of frontline command.

"Ayatollah," Reza said, "I am honored to serve in this position. But I have a request."

"Speak."

"The troops in Khuzestan were trained by me personally; they are very familiar with my command style. If a different commander is brought in, combat effectiveness will drop by at least thirty percent. I hope that while serving as military advisor, I can retain command over the Khuzestan troops."

Bani-Sadr immediately spoke up: "That does not conform to the system—"

"I am asking His Highness," Ayatollah Khomeini interrupted Bani-Sadr, "not asking you."

Bani-Sadr shut his mouth.

Ayatollah Khomeini looked at Reza, looking for a long time.

Then he said: "Very well. But there is one condition—all of your military operations must be approved by the Supreme Defense Council."

Reza nodded: "I accept."