127: Chapter 124 Khomeini's Residence

May 4, Qom, Ayatollah Khomeini's residence.

Montazeri brought the evidence to see Ayatollah Khomeini in the afternoon.

Records of three contacts, a transcript of a recording, and background information on the Mujahedin organization.

Ayatollah Khomeini read through every page, which took nearly forty minutes.

"Where did this information come from?" Ayatollah Khomeini asked.

"Reza Pahlavi's intelligence department," Montazeri said. "It took nearly two months to collect this information."

"What is the purpose of Bani-Sadr contacting the Mujahedin?"

"That line in the recording, 'This person must disappear before the war ends'—there is only one reason for someone to contact the Mujahedin: he needs the Mujahedin to do something he himself dares not do."

Ayatollah Khomeini closed the file, placed it on his lap, closed his eyes, and sat there for a long time.

Montazeri did not rush him.

"Give this information to the Islamic Revolutionary Court," Ayatollah Khomeini finally said. "Let them investigate. I will not interfere in the process; I will only wait for the result."

"Bani-Sadr is still in the position of president—"

"Wait until the court finishes its investigation," Ayatollah Khomeini said. "If it is confirmed, I will handle it."

May 5, Tehran.

That afternoon, Bani-Sadr got wind of the news—someone had submitted evidence involving him to the court.

His first reaction was not to deny it, but to flee.

This reaction in itself already explained everything.

He gathered his confidants and deliberated for two hours.

Some of his confidants suggested he voluntarily confess to Ayatollah Khomeini, some suggested he publicly issue a statement to fight back, and others suggested he immediately flee Iran.

In the end, he chose the worst option—he contacted the Mujahedin's underground network and asked them to help him relocate to a safe house.

This decision was captured by Karimi's surveillance network late that night.

Karimi sent the news to Reza overnight.

"He fled?"

"Not completely. He hid in a Mujahedin safe house in the southern part of Tehran."

"Who did you tell?"

"Montazeri."

"No," Reza said. "Tell the court, and also notify the Islamic Revolutionary Guard. This matter must go through formal procedures; it cannot become a personal vendetta between him and me."

Karimi went to handle it.

May 6, morning, Tehran.

The Islamic Revolutionary Guard surrounded the safe house.

Bani-Sadr did not resist.

When he walked out, he was wearing casual clothes, his face was pale, his beard was unshaven, and there was an indescribable sense of confusion in his eyes.

Several Mujahedin members who walked out beside him were detained on the spot.

The news spread through Tehran extremely quickly.

By the afternoon, university students had already gathered on the streets. One group supported Bani-Sadr, shouting slogans for his release; the other group supported Ayatollah Khomeini, believing that Bani-Sadr had betrayed the revolution.

The standoff between the two groups made Reza realize one thing—Bani-Sadr still had a considerable base among the people, and if this matter was not handled well, it could cause greater political turmoil.

He called Rafsanjani.

"Tell the court to hurry up. Don't let things hang in the balance; the longer it drags on, the messier it will get."

"How fast?"

"Reach a conclusion within a week. The evidence is clear; just complete the procedures. There is no need to spend months on a trial."

May 7, Ahvaz, military factory.

Reza went to see Fatima.

The first thing he did after the ceasefire was not to meet with political figures, but to come to the military factory.

Fatima reported the latest R&D progress to him: the Persia-4 anti-aircraft missile program was complete, with a range of 25 kilometers, capable of striking mid-to-high altitude targets, and the accuracy was 40% higher than the Persia-3. However, there was one key problem that remained unsolved—the seeker chip required special semiconductor materials, and there was no domestic production capacity.

"Where can we get it?" Reza asked.

"France, or Japan. But now that there is a ceasefire, the French might reduce their support for us—they are betting on both sides, and they also have business in Iraq."

"Japan won't sell directly to us, but it can be transshipped through a third party."

"Who is the third party?"

"Pakistan," Reza said. "Zia-ul-Haq owes me a favor. Before the battle of Basra began, he helped us secretly transport a batch of ammunition. The return I gave him was intelligence—about the Soviet military movements in Afghanistan. Now it's time for him to pay it back."

Fatima took notes.

"One more thing," Reza said. "There is a ceasefire, but Saddam Hussein has not been overthrown. He still has fourteen Scud Missile launchers and a remaining stockpile of Chemical weapons. A ceasefire just stops the shooting; it doesn't mean safety. Your R&D on anti-chemical equipment cannot stop."

"Regarding the mustard gas antidote—"

"All R&D must not stop. It didn't stop during the war, and it certainly cannot stop now that there is a ceasefire. I don't know when the next war will come, but it will come."

Fatima glanced at him and said, "Your Highness, don't you plan to take a break?"

Reza thought for a moment and said, "After the Bani-Sadr affair is over, I will take a day off."

May 10, Tehran, Islamic Revolutionary Court.

The trial only lasted three days.

The evidence was too clear—records of three contacts, the recording, correspondence found in the Mujahedin safe house, and a handwritten plan discovered in the safe house, which contained vague phrasing about "removing obstacles," and handwriting analysis confirmed it was Bani-Sadr's.

The court's conclusion: Bani-Sadr had illegal contact with the counter-revolutionary armed organization Mujahedin and was suspected of conspiring to endanger the safety of the leaders of the Islamic Republic.

Ayatollah Khomeini signed the dismissal order on the afternoon the conclusion was released.

Bani-Sadr was removed from the office of president and handed over to the court for processing.

This day was May 10, 1981.

On the streets of Tehran, the crowds supporting Bani-Sadr dissipated rapidly that night—once the evidence was made public, many people chose silence. Colluding with the Mujahedin is a political red line in Iran; no one dared to stand on the wrong side of that line.

May 11, Ahvaz.

When Reza heard the news, he was looking at the urban reconstruction plan for Basra.

When Karimi came in to report, he just nodded.

"Bani-Sadr is finished," Karimi said. "The Ayatollah will appoint a new president."

"Who?"

"Rafsanjani's name has been mentioned, as well as Prime Minister Mousavi."

"Mousavi," Reza said. "He is easier to work with."

"Do you know him?"

"I've dealt with him twice. He is a pragmatist, not as fond of playing politics as Bani-Sadr."

He pushed the reconstruction plan for Basra aside, took out that dark blue notebook, and turned to the latest page.

He wrote a few lines:

"Bani-Sadr is gone. Not because of me, but because of himself. A person driven by fear will eventually be destroyed by fear."

"There is a ceasefire, but the war is not over. Basra is still in my hands, and Saddam Hussein is still in the chair in Baghdad. The negotiations within the next two years are the real battlefield."

"I am twenty-one years old this year."

He closed the notebook, leaned back in his chair, and closed his eyes.

Ahvaz outside the window was very quiet. After the ceasefire, the atmosphere of this city changed—factory chimneys were smoking again, there were more people on the streets, and several shops had reopened their iron doors that had been closed for over a year.

He remembered what he had promised Fatima—to take a day off once this matter was over.

He intended to keep that promise.

Just one day.