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80: Chapter 77 Khomeini's Speculation
"It is not you guessing, but rather you projecting." Ayatollah Khomeini said.
"I only make judgments when I have sufficient evidence. Right now, I have enough evidence in my hands."
"What evidence?"
"Over the past three months, Iraq has mobilized at least seven armored divisions to move in a southeasterly direction; the takeoff and landing frequency of fighter jets at the Baghdad airbase has increased by 97 percent; the daily transport volume of Iraq's logistical supply convoys from Baghdad to Basra has tripled; most crucially, Iraq has unilaterally abrogated the 1975 border agreement—this means they have cleared away the legal obstacles for military action."
Reza finished speaking and waited for Ayatollah Khomeini's reaction.
Ayatollah Khomeini was silent for a moment, then asked: "If your projection is correct, how should Iran respond?"
This was a key question. Ayatollah Khomeini was not asking "What do you think," but rather "What do you intend to do"—there is a fundamental difference between these two questions. The former is soliciting an opinion, while the latter is giving a potential partner an opportunity to demonstrate their capabilities.
Reza did not show false modesty and stated his plan directly:
"First, strengthen border defenses by deploying dense anti-tank positions and anti-aircraft fire along the directions of Iraq's potential offensive; second, accelerate the deployment of missile forces to ensure that, at the very first moment after the war breaks out, we have the capability to strike deep targets within Iraq; third, contact the Revolutionary Guard to establish a joint command system to avoid a situation where each fights their own battle during wartime; fourth—" he paused for a moment, "fourth, I need to possess sufficient autonomy to command all military operations in Khuzestan when the war breaks out."
This last condition was his true purpose.
Ayatollah Khomeini did not respond immediately. He took another sip of tea and then said something to Khamenei:
"Your Highness, do you know why I summoned you at this point in time?"
Reza shook his head.
"Because someone told me," Ayatollah Khomeini said, "that what you are doing in Khuzestan is turning that province into an independent kingdom. You have an army, factories, your own intelligence system, your own diplomatic channels, and even your own independent financial system. If I did not understand your motives, I might think you are preparing for a rebellion to split Iran."
After these words were spoken, the atmosphere in the room suddenly turned cold.
Reza was not panicked. He had long known that this day would come—when he managed Khuzestan into an almost self-contained independent kingdom, this kind of questioning was destined to happen. What he needed to do was not to explain that he was not a traitor, but to prove that his ambitions and Iran's interests were on the same line.
"Ayatollah," he said, "those things you mentioned—the army, factories, intelligence system, diplomatic channels, financial system—are not the personal assets of Reza Pahlavi; they are tools for Khuzestan Province to safeguard the core interests of Iran. These tools can be used by me, and they can also be used by you. The only difference lies in who is using them and what they are using them for."
"My goals," he continued, "are not in conflict with your goals. My goal is to ensure Iran is no longer controlled by any foreign power, to stop Iran's oil from continuing to be a source of profit for foreign companies, and to stop Iran's military from continuing to be a procurement channel for foreign weapons. Are these goals not exactly what you have been pursuing for the past fifteen years?"
Upon hearing these words, a flash of something almost imperceptible crossed Ayatollah Khomeini's eyes—not anger, nor agreement, but a complex emotion, like an old man seeing a younger version of himself.
"Your Highness," Ayatollah Khomeini said, "your ambitions and my mission may overlap in certain places, but they are not the same thing. What I pursue is an Islamic Republic, an order where Allah's law becomes the highest authority on this land. What is it that you pursue?"
This question was asked very directly.
Reza looked directly into Ayatollah Khomeini's eyes and said the words he had to say on this occasion:
"What I pursue is the dignity of Iran. An Iran that will not be casually manipulated by foreign powers, an Iran that its neighbors can respect, an Iran that can make its enemies pay the price. If this goal does not conflict with your Islamic Republic, then I am your ally; if it does conflict with you—" he paused for a moment, "then I hope that before a conflict occurs, we can find a way to solve the problem that does not require bloodshed."
This was a statement mixed with truth and falsehood. The truthful part was that he truly wanted dignity for Iran; the false part was the ultimate goal he did not speak of—to become the true master of Iran.
Ayatollah Khomeini stared at him for a long time, a gaze that seemed to be trying to pierce through a person's skin to see what was in their bones.
Eventually, Ayatollah Khomeini spoke:
"I will give you the military command of Khuzestan," he said, "but I require a condition in exchange."
"What condition?"
"The commander of the Revolutionary Guard must participate in the formulation of the defense plan for Khuzestan," Ayatollah Khomeini said, "not supervision, but participation. This means your plans must be completely transparent to him, including your missile deployments, the specific locations of anti-tank positions, and all your contingency plans."
Reza knew that this condition was revealing his trump cards to Ayatollah Khomeini.
But he did not refuse. Because the cost of this condition was worth it—exchanging for military command was more valuable than obtaining it in any other way.
"Deal," Reza said.
After leaving Ayatollah Khomeini's place, Reza went directly to the airport and flew back to Ahvaz.
On the plane, he closed his eyes and mentally combed through the conversation again. Ayatollah Khomeini had given him military command, but at the same time had planted a pair of eyes in Khuzestan—the commander of the Revolutionary Guard. These eyes were not just for observation; they were also a guarantee: if Reza's military plans went wrong, this commander had the authority to report directly to Ayatollah Khomeini.
This was a carefully designed balance: giving you power, but putting a leash on you.
Reza did not dislike this design. He knew that in Iran's current political ecosystem, no power was absolute, and anyone's power must have checks and balances—this was Ayatollah Khomeini's logic, and it was also the logic of the Islamic Republic. He needed to find his own room for maneuver within this logic, rather than trying to overthrow it.
The first thing he did upon returning to Ahvaz was to convene a meeting of his core staff and announce Ayatollah Khomeini's decision.
"The Revolutionary Guard will send someone to participate in the formulation of the defense plan," Reza said, "this person's name is Ali Rajai, and you should remember this name."
Karimi asked: "Do you trust him?"
"I do not trust him," Reza said, "but I trust Ayatollah Khomeini's judgment. Ayatollah Khomeini sent this person here, which means he is certain this person can accomplish two things: first, understand our defense plan; second, make judgments favorable to Iran at critical moments. I need to ensure that when that critical moment arrives, this person's judgment is consistent with ours."
"How to ensure that?"
Reza said something that surprised everyone present:
"Let him see that we can win."
"A person stands on your side, not because of any promises you gave him, but because he believes that following you will lead to victory. What the Revolutionary Guard is most worried about now is not whether Iran will win, but whether Iran can win—because they know what the last defeat of the Iranian military looked like. If I can let Rajai see that we have enough confidence to hold Khuzestan and enough strength to counterattack Iraq, he will make the right judgment."