178: Chapter 175 Three Parties

March 23, 1982, Tehran, Ayatollah Khomeini's residence.

The Supreme Leader sat before Ayatollah Khomeini.

Ayatollah Khomeini was eighty years old. His health was poor, but his eyes were still sharp.

"The United States has fully intervened," the Supreme Leader said.

"I have heard," Ayatollah Khomeini said.

"We must respond."

"How?"

The Supreme Leader took a deep breath.

"Reza has suggested," he said, "that we establish secret cooperation with the Soviet Union."

Ayatollah Khomeini was silent for a long time.

"Reza," he finally said, "that is a name I hear often."

"Yes."

"He has done much in the past two years," Ayatollah Khomeini said. "He has won many victories. He has become one of the most important figures in Iran."

"Yes."

"Is he a loyal man?" Ayatollah Khomeini asked.

The Supreme Leader hesitated for a moment.

"I believe he is loyal to Iran," he said.

"To Iran," Ayatollah Khomeini repeated, "but what about to the Revolution? To me?"

"He has never opposed you."

"Not opposing," Ayatollah Khomeini said, "is a different matter from loyalty."

The Supreme Leader did not speak.

Ayatollah Khomeini looked out the window.

"I am old," he said. "I may not live much longer. It is not myself I worry about. I worry about the Revolution. I worry about Iran."

"Yes."

"If someone like Reza were to control Iran's military, intelligence, and industry," Ayatollah Khomeini said, "then what would become of Iran?"

"Reza says he does not want power. He says that after the war ends, he will return to his work as an engineer."

Ayatollah Khomeini smiled.

"Everyone who wants power says that," he said.

The Supreme Leader did not know how to answer.

"However," Ayatollah Khomeini continued, "we need him for now. So we will not move against him yet. We will deal with him after the war ends."

"Yes."

"Regarding the Soviet Union," Ayatollah Khomeini said, "we cannot form an alliance. Our Revolution is independent."

"Then—"

"But we can buy weapons," Ayatollah Khomeini said. "Commercial transactions, not an alliance."

"I understand."

"We can also buy from China, North Korea, and Libya. Build a purchasing network. But no alliances."

"Yes."

"Also," Ayatollah Khomeini said, "about Reza."

"Yes?"

"You must monitor him," Ayatollah Khomeini said. "Every decision he makes must be reported to me. If he oversteps, tell me immediately."

"Yes."

"Also," Ayatollah Khomeini said, "you must place some of your own people around him. We must ensure that if the day comes that it is needed, we can immediately control him."

The Supreme Leader was taken aback for a moment.

"Yes," he said.

The meeting concluded.

The Supreme Leader walked out of Ayatollah Khomeini's residence.

He got into the car.

He was thinking about many things.

Ayatollah Khomeini's suspicion of Reza had exceeded his imagination.

If one day Ayatollah Khomeini ordered him to deal with Reza, he would have to carry it out.

But he also hoped that this day would not come.

Because he knew that Reza was one of the best people in Iran.

If Iran lost Reza, Iran would lose much.

But sometimes, politics is not about being the best.

Politics is about loyalty.

Ahvaz, Reza's office.

The Supreme Leader told Reza the results over an encrypted phone line.

"Ayatollah Khomeini has agreed to purchase weapons," he said, "but no alliance."

"Very well," Reza said.

"However," the Supreme Leader paused, "Ayatollah Khomeini has some concerns about you."

Reza was taken aback for a moment.

"What kind of concerns?"

"He thinks you have become too powerful."

There was silence in the office for a while.

"I know what you are telling me," Reza said.

"I hope you understand."

"I understand."

The call ended.

Reza sat in his chair.

Ayatollah Khomeini was suspicious of him.

This was something that would happen sooner or later. But it happening so early took Reza by surprise.

He had to be more careful. Every decision, every action, every word had to be carefully considered.

He could not give Ayatollah Khomeini a reason to move against him.

At least not before the war ended.

After the war ended—he did not know yet.

But he knew that if he wanted to survive the end of the war, he had to be smart.

He picked up the phone.

"Karimi."

"Yes."

"Start contacting the Soviet Union," Reza said, "through Syria."

"What do we want?"

"Many things," Reza said, "but most importantly, the capability to deal with electronic warfare. If the United States gives Iraq electronic warfare equipment, we must have the capability to counter it."

"Yes."

"Also," Reza said, "contact China, North Korea, and Libya as well. We need to build a complete purchasing network."

"Yes."

"Karimi."

"Yes."

"One more thing," Reza said, "I need you to closely observe the Supreme Leader's people. He may plant his own eyes and ears around me."

There was a moment of silence on the other end of the phone.

"I understand," Karimi finally said.

"We will not confront them," Reza said. "We will let them think they have succeeded. But we must know who they are and what they are reporting."

"Understood."

The call ended.

Baghdad, Saddam Hussein's office.

Wilson had come again.

"We have new intelligence," he said.

"What?"

"Iran is in contact with the Soviet Union," Wilson said, "through Syria."

Saddam Hussein laughed.

"They have also learned to play this game."

"Yes. But we cannot let them succeed. If the Soviet Union gives Iran weapons, the entire balance will shift."

"What do we do?"

"A few things," Wilson said. "First, disrupt the contact between Iran and the Soviet Union. We can assassinate Iranian representatives, we can spread rumors that the Iranian representatives are double agents, we can create all sorts of obstacles."

Saddam Hussein nodded.

"Second," Wilson said, "put pressure on the Soviet Union. We can offer the technology and trade that the Soviet Union wants, in exchange for them not helping Iran."

"Third?"

"Accelerate assistance to Iraq." Wilson lowered his voice. "We have decided to give you electronic warfare equipment ahead of schedule. It will arrive next week."

"Next week?"

"Yes. We want Iraq to gain a clear advantage before Iran receives help from the Soviet Union."

Saddam Hussein stood up.

"Very good," he said. "We will also accelerate our offensive."

"When do you plan to launch the new offensive?"

"Within two weeks," Saddam Hussein said. "We have prepared 200,000 troops, concentrated in the south. We are going to launch a massive offensive to retake the territory lost over the past few months."

"Very good. Our electronic warfare equipment will arrive before your offensive. That way, your offensive will have air cover."

"Perfect."

Wilson left.

Saddam Hussein walked to the window.

He could feel that the scales of victory were beginning to tip back in his favor.

American support, electronic warfare equipment, an army of 200,000.

Iran would be crushed.

Ayatollah Khomeini would be crushed.

Reza would be crushed.

He laughed.