98: Chapter 95 The Scepter of Tehran

After the meeting ended, Rafsanjani saw Reza to the door.

"Do you know why the Ayatollah wanted to transfer you back?" Rafsanjani asked.

"I know," Reza said. "He saw my prestige rising in the victory at the Pump Station. He doesn't want me to accumulate too much popularity on the front lines and turn him into a supporting character."

"Then why did you accept?"

"Because I had no choice," Reza said. "If I didn't accept, he would think I was defying orders. In Iranian politics, defiance equals betrayal. I don't want to be labeled a traitor."

"So what will you do in Tehran?"

"Continue to work," Reza said. "The position of military advisor is also a place where things can be done. Besides—the Ayatollah gave me a promise, not a cage."

Rafsanjani nodded and said nothing more.

On October 29th, Reza held his first military advisory meeting in Tehran.

Attending the meeting were all members of the Supreme Defense Council—Montazeri, Bani-Sadr, Rafsanjani, Bakhtiar, Mousavi, and Kani.

The meeting had only one agenda item: the operational plan for the next phase.

Reza stood before a whiteboard and drew a complete map of the Iran-Iraq border.

"We now have three strategic directions to choose from," he said. "First, hold our current positions and wait for the Iraqis to negotiate. Second, expand the occupied territory within Iraq, pushing south from the Pump Station to capture the Fao Peninsula. Third, open a second front and launch a diversionary offensive against Iraq in northern Iran."

"Which one do you recommend?" Montazeri asked.

"The third one," Reza said, "but not now. The current priority is to hold the Pump Station while reinforcing the defensive lines in Khuzestan. Once the Iraqis in the south are sufficiently weakened by attrition, we will open a gap in the north."

"What kind of gap in the north?" Bani-Sadr asked.

"Sulaymaniyah," Reza pointed to a spot in northeastern Iraq on the map. "This is the core city of the Iraqi Kurdish region. If we can launch an offensive toward Sulaymaniyah, the Iraqis will have to shift their northern forces to the south, causing an imbalance in their entire defensive line."

"And then?"

"Then launch a general offensive in the south, occupy the Fao Peninsula, and cut off all of Iraq's access to the sea."

Bani-Sadr was silent for a moment and said, "How many troops does this plan require?"

"At least fifty thousand," Reza said, "plus sufficient tanks, artillery, and air support."

"We don't have fifty thousand men to commit to Iraq," Bani-Sadr said. "The main force of the Revolutionary Guard needs to defend the Iranian homeland."

"Then recruit more soldiers," Reza said. "The war has been going on for a month, and we still haven't conducted a general mobilization. If we want to win this war within one or two years, general mobilization is a must."

Montazeri interjected, "General mobilization requires the Ayatollah's approval."

"Then go and get that approval," Reza said.

After the meeting, Rafsanjani found Reza privately.

"Bani-Sadr will oppose every step of the general mobilization," Rafsanjani said. "How do you plan to deal with him?"

"I won't," Reza said. "Let him oppose it. The more he opposes it, the more the Ayatollah will feel he is dragging his feet on the war. During wartime, those who drag their feet lose political capital."

"You're using the war to wear down Bani-Sadr?"

"I am using the war to test everyone," Reza said. "Those who can fight stay, those who can't leave. Whether Bani-Sadr can fight, time will tell us the answer."

On October 30th, Reza received a technical report from Fatima in Ahvaz at his residence in Tehran.

The content of the report was: the mass production issue for portable anti-aircraft missiles has been resolved. Fatima's team spent three weeks completing the reverse engineering of the SA-7 and the commissioning of the production line; the first batch of products is expected to roll off the line on November 15th.

After reading the report, Reza wrote a line below:

"After the first batch of products rolls off the line, prioritize equipping the Pump Station troops. At the same time, begin developing models with a longer range."

He handed the report to Karimi to be sent back to Ahvaz.

Then he took out that deep blue notebook and wrote a line on the newest page:

"Tehran, scepter in hand. Next stop, general mobilization."

He closed the notebook and walked to the window.

Outside the window, the night of Tehran enshrouded the entire city.

The distant Alborz Mountains shimmered with a silvery-white light under the moonlight.

Tomorrow will be a new day.

November 1st, Tehran.

Ayatollah Khomeini signed the general mobilization order.

It was a belated decision. The war had been raging for exactly forty days, and Iran's troop strength had always been at a disadvantage compared to Iraq's. The victory at the Pump Station masked an awkward fact—Iran was fighting with less than one-third of Iraq's forces.

The content of the general mobilization order was simple: all males between the ages of twenty-three and thirty-five must report to local recruitment stations within thirty days; all personnel with engineering, mechanical, or medical skills would be prioritized for technical positions; all local governments must provide a completion plan for recruitment quotas within one week.

When Reza saw this mobilization order at the Supreme Defense Council, he said something that silenced everyone present: "Forty days late, but better than nothing."

Bani-Sadr frowned. "Your Highness, are you questioning the Ayatollah's decision?"

"I am stating a fact," Reza said. "If there had been a general mobilization on the first day the war broke out, we would already be attacking Basra by now."

Montazeri coughed, breaking the eye contact between the two.

"The mobilization order has been signed," Montazeri said. "The question now is, who will be responsible for organizing the mobilization?"

Bani-Sadr immediately said, "This is within the jurisdiction of the Ministry of Interior."

"The Ministry of Interior does not have the capacity to recruit five hundred thousand people in a month," Reza said. "I suggest forming a specialized Mobilization Committee composed of the military, the Ministry of Interior, and the Revolutionary Guard."

"Who will chair this committee?" Rafsanjani asked.

Reza glanced at Bani-Sadr and said, "Let President Bani-Sadr chair it."

Bani-Sadr was stunned. He hadn't expected Reza to nominate him.

"Why me?" he asked.

"Because you are the President," Reza said. "Mobilization requires the cooperation of all levels of government nationwide; only the President has that authority. And—if something goes wrong with the mobilization, the responsibility lies with you."

The final sentence caused Bani-Sadr's expression to shift. He understood the implication in Reza's words—this was a hot potato; if done well, it was expected, but if botched, it would be his fault.

"I accept," Bani-Sadr said. He couldn't refuse; refusing would be tantamount to admitting his own incompetence.

After the meeting, Rafsanjani found Reza.

"Why did you let Bani-Sadr chair the mobilization?"

"Because the result of him chairing it will certainly be failure," Reza said. "Mobilization requires efficiency, while what he excels at is bickering. In two months, when the mobilization progress is far behind schedule, the Ayatollah will know who is dragging their feet."

"You're waiting for him to make a mistake?"

"I'm giving him the opportunity to make a mistake."