177: Chapter 174 Intervention

March 20, 1982, Baghdad, Saddam Hussein's private reception room.

Two Americans were sitting in front of Saddam Hussein.

One was named Wilson, the deputy head of the CIA's Middle East division. The other was named Carter, the Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for Near Eastern Affairs.

They did not have official diplomatic status. They had entered Iraq on "businessman" passports.

"President Saddam Hussein," Wilson started first, "we understand your current situation."

"What do you understand?" Saddam Hussein said coldly.

"We understand," Wilson said calmly, "that if Iran wins this war, the order of the entire Middle East will be changed. Ayatollah Khomeini will export his revolution. Saudi Arabia will be shaken, Kuwait will be shaken, Bahrain, the UAE—all of them will be shaken. The oil of the entire Middle East will be controlled by an anti-American regime."

"You finally understand," Saddam Hussein said, "I told you that from the very beginning."

"We have always understood," Carter said, "but certain political restrictions prevented us from acting openly. Now, we are prepared to provide you with help. Secret help."

"What kind of help?"

"Three aspects," Wilson said, "First, intelligence. We can provide satellite imagery of Iranian military deployments. Updated weekly. We can also provide intelligence on the activities of Iranian leaders."

Saddam Hussein nodded. This was what he needed most.

"Second, weapons. We cannot sell weapons to you directly—Congress would not approve. But we can send American weapons to you through third parties—Egypt, Jordan, Saudi Arabia, Turkey."

"What kind of weapons?"

"TOW anti-tank missiles. Advanced artillery radar. And—" Wilson paused, "electronic warfare equipment."

Saddam Hussein's eyes lit up.

"Electronic warfare equipment?"

"Yes," Wilson said, "It can jam Iranian radar and communications. It can render Iran's air defense systems ineffective."

This was exactly what Saddam Hussein needed. In the past two months, Iran's air defense systems had cost him over a hundred aircraft. If Iran's radar failed, he could regain air superiority.

"What is the third type of help?" Saddam Hussein asked.

"Financial," Carter said, "Saudi Arabia and Kuwait will provide you with a five-billion-dollar loan. The terms are extremely favorable. If needed, it can be increased."

Saddam Hussein was silent for a while.

This was huge support. Not just weapons and intelligence, but money too.

But there is no such thing as a free lunch.

"In exchange, what do you want?" Saddam Hussein asked.

"A few things," Wilson said, "First, stop using Chemical weapons. It puts the United States in a very passive position internationally."

"I can no longer use Chemical weapons on a large scale," Saddam Hussein said, "Iran destroyed my factories."

"That's even better. Second, win this war—but with limits. We do not want you to completely destroy Iran. We want Iran to exist, but to remain weak."

Saddam Hussein nodded.

"Third," Wilson said, "After the war ends, Iraq must become a pro-American country."

"We have always been neutral."

"Neutral is not enough," Wilson said, "We want pro-American."

Saddam Hussein pondered for a moment.

If he accepted, Iraq would gain the support of a superpower, and he would win the war.

If he did not accept, Iraq might lose.

"I agree," he said finally.

"Very good."

Wilson and Carter stood up, preparing to leave.

"When does it start?" Saddam Hussein asked.

"Today," Wilson said, "The first batch of satellite images will arrive this afternoon. The weapons will arrive via Egypt within two weeks. The loan, within a month."

"What about the electronic warfare equipment?"

"Two weeks."

Wilson and Carter left.

Saddam Hussein sat alone in the reception room.

He knew that he had just made a decision that would change history.

From now on, Iraq would no longer be a country that acted independently. It had become America's proxy in the Middle East.

But he didn't care.

As long as he could win, he would pay any price.

Ahvaz, Reza's office.

Karimi came in with a thick report.

"Mr. Reza," he said, "Our European network has discovered something major."

"Speak."

"Over the past week," Karimi said, "The United States has issued a large number of arms orders to Egypt. Two thousand TOW anti-tank missiles. Twelve sets of AN/TPQ-37 artillery radar. And some classified electronic warfare equipment."

"Egypt does not need these weapons."

"Correct. These weapons," Karimi said, "are exactly what Iraq needs."

Reza closed his eyes.

He had long anticipated this day. But he didn't expect it to come so quickly and so directly.

"Anything else?"

"Saudi Arabia," Karimi said, "is preparing to give Iraq a five-billion-dollar loan. Our informant has confirmed it."

"Five billion."

"Also," Karimi said, "informants in Baghdad report that two Americans met secretly with Saddam Hussein a few days ago. We have identified them—Wilson from the CIA, and Carter from the State Department."

Reza slowly opened his eyes.

"The United States has fully intervened," he said.

"Yes."

There was silence in the office for a long time.

Reza walked to the window.

He looked at the sky outside.

He thought of the dead Iranian soldiers. He thought of the Iranian civilians who died from Chemical weapons. He thought of Hussein, who was being resuscitated in the hospital.

"Karimi."

"Yes."

"Our situation has changed," Reza said, "Iran is not facing Iraq now. It is Iraq plus the United States."

"Yes."

"We need to do a few things."

"Please speak."

"First," Reza said, "We need to obtain physical evidence of the secret cooperation between the United States and Iraq. Documents, weapon serial numbers, anything that can be made public internationally."

"Understood."

"Second, we need to find our own allies. An ally that can stand against the United States."

Karimi hesitated for a moment.

"The Soviet Union?" he asked.

"Yes."

"Our revolution is anti-Soviet. Ayatollah Khomeini will not agree."

"Perhaps he will agree," Reza said, "if he understands the situation. I will have the Supreme Leader persuade him."

"Then how do we operate specifically?"

"Through Syria," Reza said, "Syria has close relations with the Soviet Union. We will let Syria act as an intermediary."

"Are there any other allies?"

"China," Reza said, "North Korea. Libya. All anti-American forces. We need to establish a procurement network."

"The third thing?"

"The third thing," Reza said, "is that we need to disrupt the United States' support for Iraq. We cannot steal the satellite imagery, but we can cut off the weapons transport routes. We can obstruct the fund transfers from Saudi Arabia."

"This is a major operation."

"It must be done," Reza said.

Karimi nodded. "I will go arrange it immediately."

He walked to the door, then turned back.

"Mr. Reza," he said, "there is one more thing."

"What?"

"If the United States has fully intervened," Karimi said, "Saddam Hussein might be even bolder in his next steps. He might launch some attacks we didn't anticipate."

"I know," Reza said.

Karimi went out.

Reza was alone in the office.

The phone rang.

It was Fatima.

"Reza," her voice was a little hesitant, "I have something I want to talk to you about."

"What is it?"

"Hussein has woken up. He wants to see you."

"I will go see him."

"Also," Fatima paused, "I think—I think we should talk."

Reza knew what she wanted to talk about. He wanted to talk too. But not now.

"Now is not the time," he said, "Wait until after the war ends."

There was silence on the other end of the phone for a long time.

"Okay," Fatima said finally.

The phone hung up.

Reza sat back in his chair.

He knew he was hurting Fatima.

But he had to make a choice.

The fate of Iran was more important than his personal feelings.

At least for now.