156: Chapter 153 Hidden Arrow

January 15, 1982, Tehran.

An anonymous report was delivered to the Supreme Leader's desk.

The report contained Reza's "crimes"—unauthorized mobilization of troops, private execution of Iraq prisoners of war, establishing an independent intelligence system within Iran, and conducting weapons development while bypassing the Religious Committee.

Every single one was true.

And every single one was something Reza had to do to win the war.

After reading the report, the Supreme Leader set it aside without any reaction.

But the mere existence of the report was a signal.

Someone wanted to move against Reza.

Ahvaz, Reza's office.

Karimi was reporting:

"The report was written by people under Ayatollah Mohammad Beheshti."

"Beheshti?" Reza looked up.

"Yes," Karimi said, "the deputy chairman of the Religious Committee. He is very close to the Supreme Leader."

Reza wrote the name down in his notebook.

Ayatollah Beheshti.

A true opponent.

Not an Iraq agent, not a hitman for Saddam Hussein, but the religious conservatives within Iran.

"What does he want?" Reza asked.

"He wants to share your power," Karimi said, "or more accurately, he wants to weaken your power."

"Why?"

"Because he believes you are not 'Islamic' enough," Karimi said, "you use modern technology, you use intelligence warfare, you use psychological warfare. He believes these are not the ways of the Islamic Revolution."

Reza laughed.

Not because the matter was funny, but because it was too ridiculous.

Iran was fighting a war for survival.

Iraq was using Soviet Union Cruise missiles to bomb Iran's cities.

In such a situation, someone was actually worrying about whether the way of war was "Islamic."

"Where is Beheshti?" Reza asked.

"In Tehran," Karimi said, "he preaches in a mosque every Wednesday."

"Who are his supporters?"

"Mainly some conservative religious scholars," Karimi said, "and some conservative politicians. Their total number is not large, but they have influence."

Reza was silent for a moment, then said, "Do not move against him."

"Not move against him?" Karimi was surprised.

"Yes," Reza said, "if I move against him now, everyone will know it was me. This will incite more opposition."

"Then what do we do?"

"We let him expose himself," Reza said.

The Supreme Leader's office.

The next day, Reza took the initiative to come to the Supreme Leader.

He brought a document—a loss report from the most recent Cruise missile attack on Iran.

Oil field losses: four billion Rials.

Port losses: two billion Rials.

Civilian deaths: one hundred and twenty-seven.

"I have seen Beheshti's report," Reza said.

The Supreme Leader did not speak.

"I admit, everything in it is true," Reza said, "I mobilized troops without authorization, I privately executed Iraq prisoners of war, I established an independent intelligence system."

The Supreme Leader looked at Reza.

"Then what do you want?" he asked.

"I want to resign," Reza said.

The Supreme Leader was stunned.

"What?"

"I want to resign," Reza repeated, "I will hand over all my power to the Religious Committee. Let Beheshti be responsible for the war."

The Supreme Leader was silent for a long time.

"Do you think Beheshti can be responsible for the war?" he finally asked.

"I don't know," Reza said, "but since he is questioning me, he should have a better method."

The Supreme Leader looked at Reza, for a long time.

"You are threatening me," he finally said.

"It is not a threat," Reza said, "it is sincerity. If you think Beheshti is right, I will resign. If you think I am right, then Beheshti's report should be ignored."

The Supreme Leader was silent.

He knew that Reza was playing a very dangerous game.

But he also knew that what Reza said was right.

Without Reza, Iran would have already lost this war.

"You cannot resign," he finally said, "Iran needs you."

"And what about Beheshti?"

"Beheshti is a religious scholar," the Supreme Leader said, "he does not understand war. I will tell him to focus on religious affairs."

"Thank you," Reza said.

He stood up, preparing to leave.

"Reza," the Supreme Leader called him back.

"Yes?"

"Be careful," the Supreme Leader said, "Beheshti is not your only opponent."

Reza nodded and left the office.

Ahvaz, Reza's office.

Reza was discussing with Karimi.

"The Supreme Leader said that Beheshti is not my only opponent," Reza said, "who else is there?"

"I will investigate," Karimi said.

"Not just investigate," Reza said, "I need a complete map. Everyone who questions me, everyone who wants to weaken me, everyone who wants to replace me. Every person's name, every person's relationships, every person's weaknesses."

"This will take time," Karimi said.

"I know," Reza said, "but it is necessary. I cannot be passive on both the war and political fronts."

Karimi noted it down and prepared to leave.

"One more thing," Reza said, "there is some information in Beheshti's report that only a few people know. I need to know who leaked it."

"Who do you suspect?"

"I have suspicions," Reza said, "but I need evidence."

Karimi nodded and went out.

Reza sat in the office, looking out the window.

He was thinking about who would leak this information.

In his inner circle, there were only a few people—Karimi, Rajai, Mahdavi, Hassan, Fatima, Javadi.

Among these people, who would betray him?

He mentally ruled out a few people.

Karimi—his right-hand man, absolutely impossible.

Fatima—she only cared about her missiles, not politics.

Hassan—he was Fatima's deputy, without independent political ambition.

The remaining were Rajai, Mahdavi, Javadi.

Rajai was in Basra, mainly responsible for intelligence work. It was unlikely he would have access to information that only the top level knew.

Mahdavi was the local head in Basra, his level was lower.

Javadi—

Reza stopped.

Javadi was a general in the air force. He had connections with the Religious Committee. He knew many things.

But Javadi had always been loyal. He had no reason to betray Reza.

Unless—

Reza thought for a moment.

Unless someone threatened his family.

Or, unless he was promised more power.

Reza wrote Javadi's name in his notebook.

He needed to confirm.

But he could not ask Javadi directly. If Javadi was a traitor, he would be immediately alert. If Javadi was not a traitor, he would feel offended.

Reza needed a smarter method.

The next day, Reza made a phone call to Javadi.

"I need you to do something," Reza said.

"What is it?" Javadi asked.

"I have a new weapons project," Reza said, "a system capable of dealing with Cruise missiles. I need you to be in charge."

"What system?"

"I cannot tell you the details right now," Reza said, "but it is a very important project. If it succeeds, it will change the outcome of the war."

"Okay," Javadi said, "when do I start?"

"Next Monday," Reza said, "I will give you a complete report."

The phone was hung up.

Reza wrote a line in his notebook:

"The trap is set."