158: Chapter 155 Coup

January 28, 1982, Tehran.

Beheshti began his movement.

The first step was a speech at the University of Tehran.

"The spirit of the Islamic Revolution is being twisted by some people," Beheshti said to the students. "Some people, they replace Islamic wisdom with modern technology. They replace the guidance of Allah with intelligence warfare. They replace the power of truth with psychological warfare."

The students were listening.

"These people, they think they are smarter than Allah. They think they can determine the destiny of Iran. But they are wrong. The destiny of Iran is in the hands of Allah, and in the hands of the people of Iran."

Applause broke out.

Beheshti did not say Reza's name, but everyone knew who he was talking about.

The next day, Beheshti's speech was printed into leaflets and distributed to various mosques in Tehran.

On the third day, several conservative politicians gave similar speeches in parliament.

On the fourth day, a newspaper published an editorial questioning Iran's war strategy.

A movement against Reza was forming.

Ahvaz, Reza's office.

Karimi was reporting the situation:

"Beheshti's movement is expanding. Already, more than a dozen conservative politicians have publicly supported him."

"What about the Supreme Leader's reaction?" Reza asked.

"No reaction yet," Karimi said, "but he is observing."

"What is he waiting for?"

"He is waiting for Beheshti to expose himself," Karimi said, "or he is waiting for you to react."

Reza tapped his fingers on the table.

The Supreme Leader was a seasoned politician. He would not easily take sides. He would wait until the situation became clear, and then choose the winning side.

"We need to make the situation clear," Reza said.

"How?"

"Let Beheshti go further," Reza said, "let him publicly challenge the Supreme Leader's authority."

"He won't be that stupid," Karimi said.

"He will," Reza said, "if we give him enough bait."

The next day, Reza passed a new "intelligence" to Beheshti through Javadi.

The intelligence said that the Supreme Leader was considering establishing a new leadership committee, including Beheshti as vice-chairman.

This was false intelligence.

But Beheshti believed it.

Because this intelligence matched his expectations.

Because this intelligence allowed him to see power.

Because this intelligence came from a channel he considered reliable.

Tehran, Beheshti's office.

Beheshti was discussing with his core supporters.

"The Supreme Leader is considering establishing a new leadership committee," he said, "I will become the vice-chairman."

"This is an opportunity," a supporter said.

"Yes," Beheshti said, "but we need to speed up the process. We need to make the Supreme Leader make a decision as soon as possible."

"How?"

"I will issue a public statement," Beheshti said, "I will publicly demand the establishment of a new leadership committee. I will publicly demand the removal of Reza."

"That is a bold step," another supporter said, "if the Supreme Leader does not agree, you will be considered to be challenging his authority."

"He will agree," Beheshti said, "he is already considering it."

The supporters nodded.

The next day, Beheshti issued his statement.

The content of the statement was: demanding the establishment of a new leadership committee, with religious scholars in charge of Iran's war and politics. Demanding the removal of Reza because he "violated the spirit of the Islamic Revolution."

After the statement was issued, all of Iran was shaken.

The Supreme Leader's office.

The Supreme Leader was reading Beheshti's statement.

His face looked grim.

"He is challenging my authority," he said to the aide beside him.

"Yes," the aide said, "he is publicly demanding a change in Iran's leadership structure."

"On what grounds?" the Supreme Leader asked.

"He thinks," the aide said, "that you are considering establishing a new leadership committee."

"I have never considered it," the Supreme Leader said, "who told him?"

The aide was silent.

"Investigate it," the Supreme Leader said, "I want to know who is spreading this rumor."

"Yes," the aide said.

The Supreme Leader sat in his chair, thinking.

He knew that Beheshti's actions were a challenge to his authority.

He could not tolerate such a challenge.

But he also knew that if he directly suppressed Beheshti, it would make Iran's religious circles feel uneasy.

He needed a smarter way.

He picked up the phone and made a call to Reza.

Ahvaz, Reza's office.

The phone rang.

Reza picked up the phone.

"Reza," the Supreme Leader's voice came from the other end of the phone.

"Yes," Reza said.

"I saw Beheshti's statement," the Supreme Leader said, "what do you think?"

"He is challenging your authority," Reza said.

"Yes," the Supreme Leader said, "I need to do something."

"What do you want to do?"

"I want him to know that he is wrong," the Supreme Leader said, "but I don't want to make Iran's religious circles feel uneasy."

Reza thought for a moment.

"I have a suggestion," he said.

"Speak."

"Let him withdraw the statement himself," Reza said.

"How?"

"Through his supporters," Reza said, "if his supporters start to leave him, he will feel pressure. Then he will withdraw the statement."

"How to make his supporters leave him?"

"Through information," Reza said, "we can let his supporters know that Beheshti's 'internal intelligence' is fake. We can let his supporters know that they have been deceived."

The Supreme Leader was silent for a while.

"Do it," he finally said, "but be careful. Don't let people know it was us."

"Understood," Reza said.

The phone hung up.

Reza sat in his chair, a satisfied smile appearing on his face.

The Supreme Leader had already stood on his side.

Now, he could start taking action.

The next day, several newspapers in Iran published some articles.

These articles did not mention Beheshti's name.

But they hinted that some politicians were spreading false information, attempting to undermine Iran's leadership.

The articles also mentioned that Iran's Supreme Leader was very dissatisfied with these actions.

Beheshti's supporters saw these articles.

They started to get nervous.

If the Supreme Leader was dissatisfied with these actions, then their situation was very dangerous.

Some supporters began to waver.

Some supporters began to leave Beheshti.

By the weekend, Beheshti's supporters had decreased by half.

Tehran, Beheshti's office.

Beheshti sat in his chair, his face looking grim.

His supporters were leaving him one by one.

He didn't know what had happened.

He made a phone call to Javadi.

"I need more internal intelligence," he said, "I need to know the Supreme Leader's true thoughts."

"I will try my best," Javadi said.

The phone hung up.

Javadi immediately made a phone call to Reza.

"Beheshti needs more internal intelligence," Javadi said, "he wants to know the Supreme Leader's true thoughts."

"Very good," Reza said, "tell him that the Supreme Leader is very dissatisfied with his actions. The Supreme Leader is considering removing him from all his positions."

"Okay," Javadi said.

The phone hung up.

Reza sat in his chair, a satisfied smile appearing on his face.

The trap was tightening.

Tehran, Beheshti's office.

Beheshti received the "intelligence" from Javadi.

His face changed.

The Supreme Leader was considering removing him from all his positions.

This meant that he would not only lose power, but also lose his political standing.

He needed to do something.

He decided that he needed to go see the Supreme Leader.

He needed to explain his actions.

He needed to ask for the Supreme Leader's forgiveness.

The Supreme Leader's office.

Beheshti walked into the office.

The Supreme Leader sat in his chair, looking at him.

"Beheshti," the Supreme Leader said, "I saw your statement."

"Yes," Beheshti said, "I had reasons for doing that."

"What reasons?"

"I think," Beheshti said, "the leadership structure of Iran needs to change."

"Why?"

"Because Reza has too much power," Beheshti said.

The Supreme Leader looked at Beheshti.

"Are you questioning my judgment?" he asked.

Beheshti was stunned.

"No," he said, "I didn't mean that."

"But your statement meant exactly that," the Supreme Leader said, "you are publicly demanding a change in Iran's leadership structure. This is questioning my judgment."

Beheshti was silent.

He knew he had made a mistake.

"I didn't mean that," he said, "I just wanted to do some good for Iran."

"Doing good for Iran," the Supreme Leader said, "means following my instructions. Not publicly challenging my authority."

Beheshti lowered his head.

"I withdraw my statement," he said.

"Very good," the Supreme Leader said, "but you need to do more."

"What?"

"You need to publicly support Reza," the Supreme Leader said, "you need to let everyone know that you and Reza are in agreement."

Beheshti's face changed.

But he knew he had no choice.

"Okay," he said, "I will."

He left the office.

The Supreme Leader sat in his chair, thinking.

He knew he had just resolved a political crisis.

But he also knew that this crisis would not be the last one.

The political struggle in Iran would continue.

He needed more allies.

He needed more information.

He needed more wisdom.